Historický ústav akademie věd České republiky, v. v. i.

SLOVANSKÝ PŘEHLED
2011
ročník 97
č. 3–4

ČLÁNKY



Damian SZYMCZAK
Haličské „velvyslanectví“ ve Vídni. Ministerstvo pro Halič
v politickém životě habsburské monarchie (1871–1918)
[Galician "Embassy" in Vienna. The Ministry for Galicia in the Political Life of the Habsburg Monarchy (1871–1918)]
s. 233–257

The Poles demanded a special status of autonomy for Galicia almost immediately after its inclusion into the Habsburg Monarchy at the end of 18-century. Among their various postulates, there was a policy of establishing the Chancellor for Galicia, a type of special minister who was to represent Galicia's affairs in Vienna. These postulates were partially realized at the end of 1860s and the early 1870s. In April 1871, Kazimierz Grocholski, the Speaker of the Polish Parliament Club in Vienna, was appointed the first Polish minister without portfolio to the Austrian government. He was unofficially called the minister for Galicia and was a guardian of the Galician and Polish interests in the central government. This is why the Ministry for Galicia was sometimes referred to as the Galician "embassy" in Vienna. Except for a short period between November 1871 and April 1873, this institution remained a constant element of the Austro-Hungarian political system. The Ministry for Galicia existed until the end of the Habsburg Monarchy in November 1918. Thanks the subsequent Galician ministers, the Poles exerted a considerable influence on the political life and development of the State and could even have been regarded co-rulers in the dual Monarchy. Numerous other nationalities of the Habsburg Monarchy wanted to have a similar institution, but only the Poles gained a ministry for a country (Galicia) and not for a nation like, for example, the Germans or the Czechs.
Key words: History, Galicia, Galician autonomy, Minister for Galicia, Cisleithenia


Oľga Vjačeslavovna PAVLENKO
„Západná hrozba“ a prognózy vojenskej a politickej elity Ruska o veľkej európskej vojne (roky 1910–1914)
[The “Western Threat” and Prognoses of Military and Political Russian Elite Regarding the Great European War (1910–1914)]
s. 259–279

Initially, the author speculates on the causes of World War I and potentials for their complete recognition. In other sections of the study, she analyzes documents prepared by numerous Russian military and political leaders between 1910 and 1914 regarding preparation of Russia for the upcoming conflict. Analysis of these documents regards development of the Russian leaders' ideas on the anticipated war and its most likely location. The article also comments on the development of the Russian elites' opinion involving Russian potentialities and readiness to solve the international crisis by power.
Key words: History, Russia, World War I, preparation and reorganization of the army


Alexandr BRUMMER
Jací jsou Slované? České představy o slovanské povaze v 19. a první polovině 20. století
[What are the Slavs like? Czech Image of the Slavic Nature in the 19th Century and the First Half of 20th Century]
s. 281–301

Self-determination towards the Germans, Germany and the German national consciousness based on a concept of the opposite German nature presented a constant in the Czech national discourse of the 19the and the first half of the 20th century, which was a traditionally emerging auto-stereotype of the Slavic “dove” nature. An important feature of this idea, especially in the first half of the 19th century, was compensation of cultural insufficiency which they experienced: absence of “great” history connected with wars and subjugation of foreign territories was partly ahistorically compensated by an emphasis on the Slavs' own “peacefulness” connected with enforcement of Herder's concept of universal humanity. From the late 19th century, contemplation on the Slavic nature can be divided into two lines: pseudo-scientific and sociological line connected with natural sciences and geographical determinism and the older idealistic line operating with facts concerning history, culture and ideas. Both approaches refer to a different concept of the nation, which was specified by utterly different values such as idea, programme or substance and existence. Despite this fundamental difference, their outcomes were of a similar nature; they had a similar identifying and ideological function, pointed to the national present or future time and demanded an alternative to historicism. The stereotype of the “peaceful” Slavic nature played an important role in attempts to formulate political and cultural programmes based on the idea of Slavic affinity.
Key words: History, the Slavs, Slavism, romanticism, national identity, national character, stereotype, Slavonic Studies


István JANEK
Maďarské snahy o získání Slovenska (Felvidéku) v roce 1938
[Hungarian Efforts to Gain Slovakia in 1938]
s. 303–326

At the beginning of 1938 the Hungarian leadership realized that if they wanted to receive back the territories inhabited by the Hungarians in Slovakia, they would need to have allies, and for this the Germans and the Polish proved to be the easiest to be won over. The Polish nursed good relations with Slovak politicians, and getting to know of it, the Hungarians wanted to put pressure on the Slovaks also by their aid, in order to make the Slovaks to join the Hungarians, in return of autonomy. Poland helped with pleasure as they considered it to be the way toward a common Polish-Hungarian border, providing defence against further ambitions of Germany. At the beginning of 1938 Jozef Tiso and other Slovak politicians were in quest of allies in order to secure the future of their country in case of the decline of Czechoslovakia. In relation to Slovakia´s future, the forms of autonomy, federation and union came up as alternatives. Tiso and his political mates wanted to achieve that the Polish, German and perhaps the Hungarian leadership support the recognition of the Slovaks as political nation, possibly their autonomy or directly their independence. Naturally, these efforts kept changing according to the actual political forces. Slovak politicians held secret negotiations also with the Hungarians. From the Slovak party, the negotiations with the Hungarians could be regarded simply as tactics, but they rejected it indeed, thus these talks ended without success. The first Viennese arbitration redressed only partly the injustices of the peace treaty, but it resulted that the Hungarian and Slovak leaderships conflicted with each other even more; on the other hand these governments became puppets of Germany which could expertly make use of it in the years of war.
Key words: History, Hungarian revision, Slovak autonomy, Hungarian-Slovak relations, Hungarian-Polish relations, 1938


Daniela KOLENOVSKÁ
Sovětská politika ve španělské občanské válce
[The Soviet Policy in the Spanish Civil War]
s. 329–341

The Soviet Union decided to intervene directly in the spanish civil war in spite of its weak international position. Moscow became the only foreign ally of the republican government. Not only diplomats, but also the Red Army soldiers and weapons were employed to achieve the Soviet objectives. Interests of the republican government were only secondary within these aims. The Soviets' international contacts with left-wing intellectuals were used to set the tone for the worldwide newspapers. The Spanish Communist party was weak and its members had not reached expectations of the Comintern until 1936. From 1936, they were under total control of Moscow. The Comintern was in charge of organizing the Interbrigades, but all the Soviet military, political and commercial operations in Spain were supervised by the NKVD. Essential elements of the Stalinist terror and the theme of Trotskyist conspiracy were transferred to Spain in this way, thus discrediting the idea of the Popular Front. By September 1938, an attempt to include the Soviet Union in the system of the Great Powers had failed and the Soviet struggle for collective security was pulled out. Moscow stopped developing plans concerning Spain and stepped off the spanish internal conflict.
Key words: History, Spanish Civil War, Soviet foreign policy, Comintern, Interbrigades


MATERIÁLY A DOKUMENTY



Alexandr DRBAL
Česká periodika na Ukrajině
[Czech Periodicals in the Ukraine]
s. 343–365

This essay regards Czech compatriotic periodical press in the Ukraine over the 19th and 20th century, i.e. when the Ukraine gradually became part of the tsarist Russia, Poland and the USSR and finally gained its independence. It briefly describes editorial activities of the former as well as present compatriotic institutions, the Czech National Committee in Russia, individual compatriots as well as units of the Czechoslovak legions. It also pays attention to the Czech (mostly compatriotic) periodical press in Carpathian Ruthenia and press of re-emigrants from the Ukraine and Russia. The largest publishing centres in tsarist Russia were Łódź (now in Poland), Kiev and Kvasilov in the Ukraine and the most prominent publishers were brothers Bohumil and Karel Procházka in Łódź, JUDr. Vácslav Vondrák and Věnceslav Švihovský in Kiev and Antonín Perný in Kvasilov in Polish Volhynia.   It is no less interesting that full-value literature (e.g. novels, short stories, poems, dramas, etc.) emerged in the Ukraine, mainly Volhynia; it certainly belongs in the context of Czech literature. The author concludes with the fact that the significance of the Czech compatriotic periodical press in the Ukraine and Russia is still not very appreciated especially with regard to the emergence of the Czech corps and the Czechoslovak Legion, subsequently Czechoslovakia and liberation of Czechoslovakia in World War II.
Key words: History, the Czechs abroad, the Czechs in tsarist Russia, the Czechs in the USSR, the Czechs in the Ukraine, the Czechs in Poland, Czech periodicals in the Ukraine


Sławomir M. NOWINOWSKI
Politici, generálové a vyšší důstojníci meziválečné ČSR z pohledu polského
vojenského atašé
[Czech Politicians, Generals and High Commanders as Seen by a Polish
Military Attaché]
s. 367–373

The essay concentrates on characteristics of the top Czechoslovak political and military leaders in the late 1920s. They were produced by a Polish military attaché in Prague. Their emergence should not be connected with a particular event in the Czechoslovak-Polish relations. However, they were closely related to the tendency of “shortening” the distance between Warsaw and Prague, which existed in the second half of the 20th century in Polish as well as Czechoslovak military circles. The characteristics are preceded by a clarification of circumstances connected with their emergence and the development of Czechoslovak-Polish relations at that time. The documents contribute to the Polish view on the Czechoslovak political and military leaders in the interwar period.
Key words: History, Poland, Czechoslovakia, mutual relations, views of Czechoslovak political and military leaders



RECENZE, POZNÁMKY, ZPRÁVY



Zoran JANJETOVIĆ
Nemci u Vojvodini
(Samuel Beneš)
s. 375–377

Marek JAKOUBEK
Vojvodovo. Etnologie krajanské obce v Bulharsku
(Miroslav Jireček)
s. 378–381

Vojislav JEVTIMIJEVIĆ
Severno Kosovo kroz istoriju do kraja XX veka: s posebnim osvrtom na Banjsku
(Jan Pelikán)
s. 381–384

Marcel ČERNÝ – Dobromir GRIGOROV (eds.)
Úloha české inteligence ve společenském životě Bulharska po jeho osvobození – Ролята на чешката интелигенция в обществения живот на следосвобожденска България
(Nikol Vosmíková)
s. 384–386

Alexander MAXWELL (ed.)
The East-West Discourse: Symbolic Geography and its Consequences
(Pavol Jakubec)
s. 386–388

Matthew RENDLE
Defenders of the Motherland. The Tsarist Elite in Revolutionary Russia
(Zbyněk Vydra)
s. 388–391

Pertti AHONEN – Gustavo CORNI – Jerzy KOCHANOWSKI – Rainer SCHULZE – Tamás STARK – Barbara STELZL-MARX
People on the Move. Forced Population Movements in Europe in the Second World War and Its Aftermath
(Martin Marek)
s. 391–393

Zbyněk VYDRA
Život za cara? Krajní pravice v předrevolučním Rusku
(Lenka Kryčerová)
s. 393–396


KRONIKA


Lubomíra HAVLÍKOVÁ
K 120. výročí narození profesorky Milady Paulové (2. 11. 1891 – 17. 1. 1970)
s. 397–401

Libor MARTINEK
K nedožitým 75. narozeninám spisovatele a překladatele Wilhema Przeczka
s. 401–403

Lenka VÍTOVÁ
Piotr Godlewski (1. 1. 1929 – 3. 10. 2010)
s. 403–404

Adolf KNOLL
Malá vzpomínka: jaký byl Otto Sagner
s. 404–405

Mečislav BORÁK
Evžen Topinka (15. 11. 1941 – 12. 6. 2011)
s. 406–408


LIDÉ A DOBA



František STELLNER
Středoevropský vliv na školské reformy Kateřiny Veliké
[Central European Influence on Catherine the Great's School Reforms]
s. 409–424

This study evaluates effectiveness of Catherine the Great's education policy with regard to the number of literate inhabitants and students. As a contrast to the advanced countries, the author declares that the Russian Empire was markedly behind them in the number of educated inhabitants in the 18th century. He also explains why the school reform in Russia failed and compares it with the Austrian circumstances and success. He mentions the backwardness of the Russian social structure, failure to implement compulsory education for all classes of population, inability to provide sufficient financial means and non-existence of capable officers and central administrative body. He also mentions the prevailing lack of interest of the Russian elite in education that developed into an aversion to the reform.
The author declares that Catherine the Great refused to come out of the French projects and turned her attention particularly to the Austrian education, which achieved certain success; in addition, the Austrians used some Prussian ideas, which the tsarina found inspiring as early as the sixties. He emphasizes that Catherine the Great was aware of the enormous backwardness of Russian education; however, she could not concentrate on implementation of the education system in the 1760s and 1770s due to the war conflicts. He regards the education reform under Catherine's reign not very successful; nevertheless, he mentions that the number of educated officers and experts slightly grew, which led to the consolidation of the state insisting on serfdom and aristocracy. However, the education was completely separated from the clergy and family competence and became a matter of the state. Catherine the Great's reform supported creation of non-aristocratic intelligentsia and undoubtedly intensified diffusion of enlightened ideals.
Key words: History, Russia, the Education Policy, Catherine the Great