Historický ústav akademie věd České republiky, v. v. i.

ročník 97
č. 1–2


Miroslav ŠEDIVÝ
Význam Dunaje pro Metternichovo Rakousko
[The Significance of the Danube for Metternich’s Austria]
s. 1–15

In the first half of the 19th century, in particular in the 1830s and 1840s, the Viennese government was well aware of the importance of the Danube for the economic and political interests of the Habsburg Monarchy. Its members knew the potential of this river for the Austrian commerce and the possibility that it could become a significant outlet for manufactured goods not only of this Great Power but also other Central European regions. To make an artery from the Danube, the natural impediments had to be removed. The hydraulic works in the Austrian territory were carried out without problems, but more serious natural obstacles in the Ottoman territory could be shifted only with the consent of the Sublime Porte. Metternich’s diplomacy also had to deal the matters concerning the navigation with Russia for its possession of the Danubian Delta. Consequently, the Austrian diplomats led by the chancellor ly had to open the way to the ships sailing from the frontier with the Ottoman Empire down to the Black Sea by demarches in Constantinople and Saint Petersburg, which met with considerable success until 1840. The active role of Austria’s authorities also is clearly visible in their support of the First Danubian Steamship Company operating on the river and the Black Sea and they prove that Metternich supported the economic interests of the Monarchy in the international affairs.
Key words: History, Austria, Metternich, Danube, Ottoman Empire, Russia, Iron Gate, Sulina

Válečné cíle carského a revolučního Ruska za Velké války (1914–1916/1917)
[Military Objectives of the Czar and Revolutionary Russia during the Great War (1914–1916/1917)]
s. 17–48

The czarist Russia was the most significant power of east Europe in the early 20th century. Its position, however, was increasingly threatened by the growing imperial Germany as the strongest power of the central and continental part of Europe. Germany's systematic support of Austria-Hungary stood in Russia's way to achieve a significant penetration into the Balkans and its collaboration with Turkey disrupted Saint Petersburg's intentions in Asia Minor and control over the straits of Bosporus and Dardanelles. This is why Russia searched for acceptable allies. To achieve this goal, Russia partially overcame its traditional distrust of the "alien" West when establishing alliance with France in 1892–1893 and, after clarification of mutual disputes, with Great Britain in 1907. From the alliance with Paris and London, Saint Petersburg expected more favourable international conditions for maintaining or further expansion of the czarist empire as the leading world great power. Escalation of international relations resulted in outbreak of a war between the Entente (i.e. Russia, France, Great Britain) and the Central Powers (i.e. Germany, and Austria-Hungary) in 1914. Russia entered World War I with a very ambitious scheme of further territorial and great-power expansion. As an ideological tool, Russia used the principles of pan-Slavism in order to become a "leader" of the Slavic world, protect the Orthodox Christians and liberate the "oppressed" nations from foreign domination. The Russian plans were of course in a sharp contrast with intentions of its military adversaries, but also with great-power intentions of Russia's treaty partners Great Britain and France. As a result of military exhaustion and internal revolution, Russia finally had to abandon its great power ambitions and fight for a mere survival. Subsequently, the Bolsheviks, who signed a separate peace accord with Germany, took power in the disrupted Russia. The following foreign policy and power ambitions of Russia ensued from radical Socialist principles of the Bolshevik party and the Soviet government.
Key words: History, the 20th century, World War I 1914–1918, Russia, military objectives

Od roztržky ke spojenectví. Polští socialisté na československém Těšínsku v letech 1936–1938
[From a Dispute to an Alliance. The Polish Socialists in the Czechoslovak Těšín Area in 1936–1938]
s. 49–74

The progress of the PSPR's standpoints in 1936–1938 can be regarded as an example of dominance of national motives over all other motives in the Central European political life in the first half of the 20th century. After a dispute with other Polish parties, the PSPR wished to establish colla¬boration with the Czech social democrats, but these efforts did not have concrete results due to strong national animosities in the region. The standpoint of the socialists in Poland played an important role in the ideological development of the PSPR together with a lasting disagreement between the Polish socialists and their Czech partners. The Polish socialists in Czechoslovakia regarded the socialists in Poland their closest partners and models. The socialists in Poland softened their opposing standpoint towards the ruling regime in the second half of the 30s. All these events led to a gradual rapprochement between the PSPR and other political parties in the Těšín area, especially after February 1937 when the Czechoslovak government appealed to national minorities to formulate their complaints and requirements. The Polish socialists were ardent Poles and shared all the basic Polish conceptions regarding the Těšín area as a long-lasting Polish territory. Annexation of this area by Poland in October 1938 was regarded as an act of historical justice. The doubtful international context and the fact that the ruling regime in Poland was undemocratic could not change anything in their conviction.
Key words: History, Polish socialists, Czechoslovak Silesia, national minorities

Graeme GILL – Diarmuid MAGUIRE
Movements and Institutions: Analysing the Collapse of the Soviet Union
[Hnutí a instituce: Analýza kolapsu Sovětského svazu]
s. 75–96

This article used a combination of institutional and social movement analysis to arrive at a new way of understanding the collapse of the Soviet regime but also lays the groundwork for other studies of authoritarian regimes facing popular crises. By dividing periods historically, analysing the relative power of a movement and a regime, we revealed how movements approached each hurdle to government but in a manner that neither satisfied the initial rush of popular activity nor the institutions that previously were dominant. The theory amended some aspects of the late Charles Tilly’s about “stages” that social movements go through, especially by bringing in more institutionalist concerns. First, we brought the institutional and movement literatures together examining how the Soviet elite viewed mass movements and vice versa. From this exercise we were able to see how these two literatures, examining mass and elite, often came to different conclusions. Second, we closely examined the role of ‘informal groups’ which we see as the genesis of one form of movement activity within the Soviet Union. These emerged during Perestroika, but some were soon transformed into mass movements. In general terms, perhaps this points to a possible weakness within existing authoritarian society, by allowing any social group to be set up. Third, we drew on institutional studies of this period in Soviet history especially those conducted by one of our authors and examined some of his published work in this new light. The findings all related to the Soviet regime in particular and close attention has been paid to the genesis, interaction and final outcome of the relationship between mass movements and political institutions. But if there is one lesson to draw on for scholars who choose this framework for analysing authoritarian regimes, it is necessary to analyse periods historically, seeing how movements and elites operate interactively.
Key words: History, Soviet Union, Collapse of Regime

Denuklerizace Běloruska po roce 1991
[The Denuclearization of Belarus after 1991]
s. 97–116

The article outlines the most important moments of the nuclear disarmament process in independent Byelorussia after 1991. The essay opens with an excursion into the history of the republic's gaining independence during the Perestroika which culminated in adoption of the State Sovereignty Declaration of the Byelorussian SSR. It analyses the initial conditions for reaching a neutral state and a nuclear weapon free zone. The following chapter focuses on the establishment of the Free States Association that made the first attempts to correct the nuclear heritage of the former Soviet Union in the post-Soviet republics on a multilateral level. The next chapter comments on the onset of the independent security policy of the new Byelorussian state illustrated on the background of gradual disengagement from the common military structures. The following chapter analyses adaptation of the START Treaty to new international conditions in the form of the so-called Lisbon Protocol which was ratified by the Supreme Soviet of the independent Byelorussia together with an approval of its policy towards the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. The final section documents the process of fulfilling Byelorussia's obligations as regards strategic offensive weapons which were finally transferred to the Russian Federation territory in compliance with bilateral agreements, ana¬logous to other previous tactical nuclear weapons.
Key words: History, Belarus, nuclear renunciation, nuclear nonproliferation, arms control and disarmament, START Treaty, NPT

Zahraniční politika Arménie v letech 1991–2004
[Armenian Foreign Policy in 1991–2004]
s. 117–135

The present article seeks to show the evolution of the foreign policies of post-Soviet Armenia during the period of 1991–2004. Deriving from a concise analysis of Armenia’s standing as a South Caucasian country and a modern history of complex – and often conflicting – interrelations with its influential neighbor, Turkey, and Russia, as well as internal developments following the dissolution of the USSR, the article illustrated the dilemmas which had been making up the diplomatic environment in which Armenian foreign political agenda established itself. The key factors of this nation’s foreign policies are being scrutinized such as the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh with Azerbaijan, Armenia’s relationship with Russia, the foreign political aspects of the (non)recognition of the Armenian genocide in the context of Armenian-Turkish relationship and Yerevan’s relationship with Iran.
Key words: History, foreign policy, Armenia, Caucasus, nationalism, Nagorno-Karabakh, ethnic conflict, war


Češi pohřbení v polském oddělení katolického hřbitova v Jeruzalémě
[Czechs buried in the Polish quarter in the Catholic cemetery in Jerusalem]
s. 137–145

The Catholic cemetery in Jerusalem is located on the southern slope of Mount Zion, close to the Old City of Jerusalem. In the cemetery are buried Arabs, Armenians, Czechs, Frenchmen, Germans, Poles, Russians etc. Three tombs of Czechs are in the Polish quarter in the cemetery, this part comprises in sum 86 graves. The largest number of Polish tombs dates back to 1941-1948, and the Second World War refugees – soldiers and their families – are buried there, among others the General Wladyslaw Anders’ Army officers. Czechs buried in this part of the cemetery are: soldiers Jindra Blažek (1914-1943) and Jiří Linhart (1920-1944), as well as businessman of Jewish origin Leo Perutz (1890-1944). Tombs deteriorated for several dozen years. Thanks to Consular Depart¬ment of the Embassy of the Republic of Poland in Tel Aviv and the Council for the Protection of Monuments of Fighting and Martyrdom in Warsaw, all tombs of the quarter were completely restored in 2006.
Key words: History, Cemeteries – Israel – Jerusalem, Czechs – Jerusalem – 20th century, Jerusalem – Catholic cemetery


Dvě knihy Martina Hurbaniče o obléhání Konstantinopole Avary
(Lubomíra Havlíková)
s. 147–152

František STELLNER
Rusko a střední Evropa v 18. století, I. díl
(Dana Picková)
s. 152–155

Andrzej NOWAK
Impérium a ti druzí. Rusko, Polsko a moderní dějiny východní Evropy
(Vladimír Naxera)
s. 155–158

In the Empire: Habsburgs and Romanians. From Dynastic Loyalty to National Identity
(František Šístek)
s. 158–160

Jan Jacek BRUSKI
Między prometeizmem i Realpolitik. II Rzeczypospolita wobec Ukrainy Sowieckiej 1921–1926
(Pavol Jakubec)
s. 160–164

Mariusz SUROSZ
Pepiki. Dramatyczne stulecie Czechów
(Anna Szczepańska)
s. 165–167

Deca careva, pastorčad kraljeva, nacionalne manjine u Jugoslaviji 1918–1941
(Samuel Beneš)
s. 167–170

Vjekoslav PERICA
Balkanski idoli, Religija i nacionalizam u jugoslovenskim državama
(Samuel Beneš)
s. 170–173

Vlade Kraljevine Jugoslavije u Drugom svetskom ratu
(Milan Sovilj)
s. 173–176

Slobodan SELINIĆ
Jugoslovensko-čehoslovački odnosi 1945–1955
(Jan Pelikán)
s. 176–179

Florian BIEBER
Bosna i Hercegovina poslije rata: politički sistem u podjeljenom društvu
(Ondřej Žíla)
s. 179–185

Pozoruhodná kniha o současné Bosně a Hercegovině
(Jan Pelikán)
s. 186–187

Upotreba tradicije u političkom i javnom životu Srbije na kraju dvadesetog i početkom dvadeset prvog veka
(František Šístek)
s. 188–189

Nicholas MILLER
Between nation and state. Serbian politics in Croatia before the first word war
(Daniel Slavík)
s. 190–194

Radmila RADIĆ
Narodna verovanja, religija i spiritizam u srpskom društvu 19. i u prvoj polovini 20. veka
(Samuel Beneš)
s. 195–196


Prof. Gerard Labuda (28. 12. 1916 – 1. 10. 2010)
s. 198–202

Ladislav HLADKÝ
Iljas Hadžibegović (27. 7. 1938 – 10. 2. 2010)
s. 203–204

Kašubové, Kašubsko a jejich dějiny. Výběr vědecké a populárně-vědecké literatury za rok 2009
s. 204–211

Ještě jednou o Kašubech a Kašubsku v roce 2009
s. 212–213

Kateřina KRÁLOVÁ
Mezinárodní workshop Šedesát let poté...
Pamětníci řecké občanské války vzpomínají v interview studentů Univerzity Karlovy
s. 214–216


Československo-polská turistická konvence 1925
[Czechoslovak-Polish Tourist Traffic Convention of 1925]
s. 217–231

The Czechoslovak-Polish convention concerning tourist traffic signed in May 1925 brought liberal element into central Europe, when the crossing of state border was possible only with a certified membership card of the tourist club. The tourist had to have a passport or time limited permit for trips to other states. It is noticeable that in the interwar period visa duty was valid between Czechoslovakia and Poland even if Czechoslovakia cancelled visa duty with most of the European states in the second half of the 1920s. The Poland part obviously had a greater interest in the convention acceptance, because this was the way how to make accessible the beauties of nature in the Czechoslovak frontier region for tourists. Thus, this convention was in one way the consequence of border disputes, which arose between these both states soon after their formation. The convention contributed to tourism development in defined districts. An attainment of additional advantages for tourists in the Czechoslovak-Polish frontier region wasn’t possible due to the Economic Depression combined with increase of a political pressure. The Polish interest in advantages associated with the convention declined from the half of the 1930s. The year 1938 was in token of insecurity; therefore, the Polish decision from December 1938 suspending the convention wasn’t surprise. It didn’t mean its renunciation and hence, it formally remained in effect. The changes of the Central European borders after the Second World War brought a factual limitation only in the first zone, but endeavour of the convention revival was neither there. Newly originated People’s democratic regimes were rather closing. The inversion was connected with the half of the 1950s, when a new basis of mutual tourist connection was laid, as in 1955 a convention of frontier tourism was negotiated.
Key words: History, tourism, interwar period, Czechoslovakia, Poland, tourist traffic convention