Historický ústav akademie věd České republiky, v. v. i.

číslo 3

ročník XCV
č. 3


Projekt sloučení Srbska a Černé Hory v mezinárodních vztazích před vypuknutím „Velké války“ (srpen 1913 – červen 1914)
[Project for Unification of Serbia and Montenegro in International Relations before Breakout of the “Great War” (August 1913 – June 1914)]
s. 289–304

In the early 20th century, Russia attempted to establish a “Balkan Coalition” of friendly and subordinated states against Austria-Hungary and Turkey. Objective of the “Balkan Coalition” was unification of Serbia and Montenegro. Austria-Hungary, Germany and Italy opposed the Russian scheme. Austria-Hungary eventually agreed with unification of Serbia and Montenegro in exchange for its own interest in the Balkans, but Italy strongly disapproved. The project of Serbia’s and Montenegro’s unification became acute during conflicts between the Great Powers (Entente and Triple-Alliance) and disturbed the cohesion of the Triple-Alliance. Simultaneously, this project opened a chance for Russia to directly put its foot in solving problems in the Balkans. Before long, Russia militarily supported Serbia against an Austrian-Hungarian attack. Subsequently, the Great Powers of the Entente and Triple-Alliance signed mutual ally treaties and started the “Great War”.
Key words: History, Balkans, International Relations

Britská politika Kominterny a problém loajality britských komunistů
[The British “Comintern” Policy and Problems of the British Communists with Loyalty]
s. 305–317

The Communist International prioritized executing its erratic international strategy over national interests of foreign communists. The British communists, whose substance came from the Fabian Society, were thus unable to offer the British public competent topics and remained on the edge of interest despite a relatively strong intellectual foundation and financial support from the Russian Bolsheviks. The traditional trade union movement, which managed to maintain control over the 1926 strike movement, together with consistent action of the British security organs against even the smallest acts performed by assumed or real Soviet agents, also contributed to this situation. The British communists only succeeded in utilising their prevailing educational and publishing activities in the mid-1930s thanks to Moscow’s relaxed anti-Fascist policy. Through Friends of the Soviet Union, i.e. a British branch of the Moscow All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries and by organising journeys to the Soviet Union, the communists gradually won sympathies of influential British persons. The Left Book Club, established in May 1936 by the publisher Victor Gollancz, became their most successful project. For a short time the communists acquired further political capital by supporting the Spanish leftists against Franco. Soon afterwards, however, Moscow’s controversial tactic towards the Spanish Civil War, signature of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and Comintern’s refusal to support British patriots in the air war against Hitler marginalised the British communists once again.
Key words: History, Comintern, Communist Party of Great Britain, Left Book Club

Makedonská otázka v souvislosti s řeckou občanskou válkou – Slavomakedonci jako součást řecké emigrace v Československu
[The Macedonian Issue in Relation with the Greek Civil War – Slav Macedonians as an Ingredient of Greek Emigration in Czechoslovakia]

s. 319–336

The Macedonian issue played a significant role during the Greek Civil War (1946–1949) especially in its final phases and had a fatal influence on a definite defeat of the Greek communist uprising. Greek communists were the only political formation to adopt the Comintern strategy of an independent “Macedonian nation”. During the Bulgarian-Italian-German occupation of Greece, the anti-communist National Liberation Front (EAM) allowed creation of a special branch responsible for northern Greece Slav population called Slavomakedonski narodno-osvoboditelen front – SNOF. Guerrilla troops belonging to this organisation, however, came under Tito’s control and the leaders started promoting unification of Greek Macedonia with Yugoslav (Vardar) Macedonia. The Slav Macedonian formations were thus either dissolved under the pressure of the Greek guerrilla army (ELAS), or retreated to Yugoslavia. After liberation of Greece in spring 1945, a new organisation of Greek Slav Macedonians (Narodno-osvobotelen front – NOF) was created at Tito’s urge. The Greek communist party initially promoted a Greek character of the Slav Macedonians and accused the organisation of separatism. When the second phase of the civil war broke out, however, it changed its standpoint and started collaborating with NOF. Enforcement of the Slav Macedonians into the leadership of the Greek communist army (DSE) and the so-called “Mountain Government” was not welcomed by the communist opponents or even the communists themselves. This fact, together with a dispute between Tito and Stalin, resulted in decrease of power of the Greek communist party and contributed to the final defeat of the guerrilla army in August 1949. The defeat of DSE had a serious impact on the Slav population of northern Greece. Most of the people were forced to immigrate together with the communist partisans to the People’s Democratic States, including Czechoslovakia, where the Slav Macedonians made up about one third of Greek emigration. After dissolving NOR and removing its leaders and Tito’s agents, a new, loyal Slav Macedonian organisation Ilinden was formed to oppose Tito. After deposing Zachariadis from the leadership of the Greek communist party and subsequent insistence of Czechoslovak authorities, which had proofs of Ilinden’s collaboration with the Yugoslav embassy, this organisation was finally dissolved in 1956. The relations between Greek and Slav Macedonian emigrants remained tense until the 1970’s, when, after dictatorship was imposed in Greece (1967) and the Greek communist party split (1968), Tito made a noble offer, which opened a path to Yugoslavian Macedonia for emigrants from Greece. In Czechoslovakia, approximately 1,300 emigrants accepted this offer.
Key Words: History, Greece, Macedonian Issue, Greek Civil War, Greek Emigration

Kateřina KRÁLOVÁ
Otázka loajality řecké emigrace v Československu v letech 1948 až 1968
[Loyalty of the Greek Emigrants in Czechoslovakia between 1948 and 1968]
s. 337–350

In the final stages of the civil war (1948–1949), Greek refugees started coming to Czechoslovak exile. Assisted by party cadres, the KKE government in Bucharest exile and Czechoslovak organs, the emigrants slowly started establishing themselves in the Czechoslovak society. Their incorporation was tied with the political progress and escalation of cold war, which dictated their social status in their new homeland. The community had to abandon thoughts of a speedy return to Greece and accept the fact that their stay in Czechoslovakia would be long, if not even permanent. The author used archive materials and accessible historiography to examine how the Greek immigrants coped with directives issued not only by their own communist head office and the party establishment of the hosting Czechoslovakia, but also by the Soviet Union. It shows how the individual actors met territorially and exterritorialy and what finally contributed to the Greeks’ final naturalization in Czechoslovakia.
Key words: Greece, Greek Emigration, KKE, Greek Civil War, EAM/ELAS

Kulturní diplomacie mezi Československem a Francií v letech 1948–1968
[The Cultural Diplomacy Between Czechoslovakia and France in 1948–1968]

s. 351–364

After 1945, Czechoslovak-French relationships could have reassumed a long-lasting tradition, although France’s participation in the Munich Conference damaged mutual relationships. The post-war reality and change of political system in Czechoslovakia after February 1948 gave the relationship an entirely new character. A general stagnation between 1948 and 1954, when Czechoslovakia disrupted official cultural collaboration with France, was succeeded with a brief revival of cultural and educational activities, which, however, froze again in 1959. A new impulse to improvement of relationships in all spheres came in the mid-60s, when France solved its complicated internal political situation and changed its foreign policy. This resulted in normalising cultural relations and signing several official agreements, i.e. a cultural protocol of 1964 and cultural agreements signed in October 1967, which formed a framework for mutual cultural and educational collaboration. The promising improvement of Czechoslovak-French contacts was severed by military occupation of Czechoslovakia in October 1968, which was followed by a new downfall. The air of fear, which dominated the Czechoslovak society, forbade restoration of openness and mutuality, which had existed in Czechoslovak-French relations since the second half of the 60s.
Key words: History, Czechoslovak-French Cultural Relations 1948–1968, Cultural Agreement


Petr STEHLÍK – Ladislav HLADKÝ
Přehled historického vývoje česko-makedonských vztahů
[Historical Outline of Czech-Macedonian Relations]

s. 365–380

The author’s intention is to present a compendious overview of the Czech-Macedonian relations since the epochal religious and cultural mission of Constantine (Cyril) and Methodius, brothers from the Byzantine city of Salonica in Macedonia, to the Great Moravia in the 9th century. There had been in a long break in the interaction between the Czech Lands and the territory of Macedonia until the 19th century, when Czech pioneers of Slavonic studies took an interest in ancient literary texts related to the life and work of the Slavonic apostles. Later in the course of the century, Czech intellectuals admired and translated folk literature of Macedonian Slavs. The Macedonian Question was abundantly reflected in the Czech press and widely debated at the turn of the 20th century. The Czech public also paid a great attention to the affairs related to Macedonia during the Balkan Wars and in the interwar period when there was a Czechoslovak consulate established in the city of Skopje. Foundations of Macedonian studies in Czechoslovakia and Czech studies in Macedonia were laid in the post-WWII period. This was the time when Macedonians were recognized as a new South Slavonic nation with its own statehood, language and culture. At the turn of the 1950s Czechoslovakia served as a final destination of thousands of ethnic Macedonian refugees from Greece torn by the civil war. Czech-Macedonian relations took on a new course after the establishment of independent Czech and Macedonian states at the beginning of the 1990s. They have become much more intensive, particularly in the field of culture and scholarship. Czechia and Macedonia have also considerably strengthened their mutual political and economic ties, particularly in the past decade. The paper is written in a concise form and it is footnoted with relevant literature published in Czech and Macedonian languages. Therefore, it could serve as a handy introduction to the study of the Czech-Croatian relations, particularly useful for students of the South Slavonic history and philology.
Key words: Czech-Macedonian Relations, Macedonian Question, Macedonian Studies, Macedonian Diaspora

Grzegorz GĄSIOR
Vztah Slezské Matice osvěty lidové k otázce železničních zaměstnanců na Těšínsku v období první republiky
[Approach of the “Slezská Matice osvěty lidové” to the Railway Workers’ Issue in the Těšín Region under the First Republic]

s. 381–401

The main objective of the Slezská Matice osvěty lidové (SMOL) under the First Czechoslovak Republic was to develop the Czech school system and intensify position of the Czech national existence in the Czechoslovak regions of Těšín and Hlučín. Polish historiography perceives the SMOL’s role as a key factor in the Czech enforcement policy. Czech scholars, however, presented it as a national defence association, which protected interests of the local population. Research of the organisation’s history is very inadequate. This article analyses activities of this organisation leading to Czechism of the Czechoslovak Government Railway personnel on the Czechoslovak side of Silesian Těšín by moving Polish and German employees more inland. It is based on hitherto unpublished SMOL documents in the Opava Provincial Archive.  These efforts were well received by governmental offices, i.e. the Head Office of the Czechoslovak Government Railways in Olomouc and Ministry of the Railways. Preserved lists compiled by SMOL workers (usually headmasters of Czech schools) contain brief characteristics of railway employees, e.g. their private data, information about family and property conditions, public activities, nationalities, schools to which they send their children, proposals for resettlements, etc. In this way, they document economic pressure of the Czech administration against minorities. Frequent examples of opportunistic tendencies, changes of nationality and clinging to the Czech national existence in an effort to escape bullying and persecutions are also proved. The number of Polish and German railway workers in municipalities on the Czechoslovak side of Silesian Těšín dropped during the 1920’s and 30’s. There is much evidence that the economic pressure greatly contributed to the reduction of Polish population in the Czechoslovak region of Silesian Těšín under the First Republic.
Key words: History, Czechoslovakia 1918–1938, Těšín Region, National Circumstances, Slezská Matice osvěty lidové


Nové slovo o Ivanovi Frankovi
(Michal Roman)
s. 403–405

Toman BROD
Ještěže člověk neví, co ho čeká. Života běh mezi roky 1929–1989
(Lenka Kopřivová)
s. 405–407


Rok 2008 v Kašubsku
s. 412–414


Diskuse kolem formy maďarského státu a volby prezidenta v roce 1946
[Discussion on Creation of the Hungarian State and the 1946 Presidential Elections]
s. 415–422

In the course of January 1946, discussions on bills regarding adaptation of the state establishment and rights of the head of state were in process on the Hungarian political scene. Communists and the Social Democrats strove to enforce a proposition restricting the president’s rights, while small farmers formulated a broad spectrum of presidential authorities. This discussion resulted in a compromise closer to the communists’ proposals. On 1st February 1946, Zoltán Tildy, a sole candidate, was elected president under the adopted republican bill.
Key words: History, Hungary, State Establishment, Presidential Authorities