Historický ústav akademie věd České republiky, v. v. i.

SLOVANSKÝ PŘEHLED
2008
ročník XCIV
č. 1




ČLÁNKY


Petr PROKŠ
Poslední pokusy o záchranu a přestavbu Rakousko-Uherska (květen – listopad 1918) [Final Attempts to Maintain and Restore the Austrian-Hungarian Empire (May – November 1918)]
s. 1–13

In May 1918, the Habsburg Empire completely fell under the influence of Imperial Germany, thus severing all chances for separated peace with the Entente powers, which might have facilitated survival of the Danube state system. The Viennese political circles decided to comply with the German nationalists’ demands to ensure German supremacy over Cislaitania. Similarly, hopes of democratic reforms in Translaitania fell down. This is why Slav nations turned away from staying within the Habsburg Empire and in collaboration with the Entente powers strove to create their own states. The Cislaitanian Germans got ready for the declaration of German Austria or even affiliation with Germany, while the Hungarian representatives fought hard against any democratic reforms. As the result of intensifying social and national disputes and the lost war, the Habsburg Empire started to disintegrate of its own accord, breaking into individual succession states in October and November 1918 (i.e. Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Poland, Austria and Hungary). In addition, Italy acquired Trieste and Trident and Romania acquired Bukovina and Transylvania from the former Habsburg territory. In the ensuing developments, the new European arrangement became subjected to heavy sufferings during the world powers’ struggles.

Ivo BARAN
Otázka národnosti při československém sčítání lidu na Těšínsku v meziválečném období
[The question of ethnicity at the Czechoslovak Census in the Teschen Silesia in the period between the World Wars]
s. 15–32

This study is dedicated to a really serious problem, because the question of ethnicity at the census in the Teschen Silesia in the period between World Wars was frequently topic of the polemic between Poland and Czechoslovakia. After the collapse of Austria-Hungary Empire the Teschen Silesia was divided between Poland and Czechoslovakia. On the Czechoslovak teritorry stayed a polish minority, but there is still dispute, how large. One of the specific of the region was a certain number of people, who wasn’t sure about their ethnicity. These people, called Šlonzáks, spoke the Polish dialect, but they lacked the Polish national awareness and they were at the Austrian Census added to the Poles. The Czech administration supported of course this group of people for the purpose to turn them into Czechs and therefore at the census there was placed a special Šlonzák’s category, which registered with a large number of people, who spoke the Polish dialect. Conscious Poles understood it as an act of national oppression, and quite right, because in fact this category hadn’t any other sense, than to reduce the number of the Poles at the census.

Filip ŠISLER
Rumunská extrémní pravice v meziválečném období
[The Romanian extreme right in the interwar period]
s. 33–60

After the World War I we can note rise of the right extremism in Romania. The main reason of this was the increase of the number of national minorities, especially Jews. The first extreme right groups were not very important. Only with the coming of young student Corneliu Zelea Codreanu the first fascist organization, which had a great impact on the Romanian politics, was established. Its name was Legion of the Archangel Michael and it grew up in 1927. At the beginning the Legion was strictly selective movement, but already in 1930 it was transformed into the mass organization and since that it was called the Iron Guard. Ideology of the Iron Guard was different from another similar extreme groups in Europe. Such items as antisemitism, anticommunism or nationalism were typical for the extreme right, but especially such characters as the religious mysticism, veneration of the ancestors or the cult of death were specific only for the Romanian environment. The main supporters of the Iron Guard were students, but also retired soldiers, orthodox priests, professors or members of the free professions felt great sympathies toward the legionary movement. Despite of being persecuted and forbidden by the state power, the Iron Guard murdered several important politicians during the interwar period. King Carol II, who tended to his personal self-government, wanted firstly to employ legionaries for his personal goals. But soon he realised that Codreanu had different ideas, and so he let him kill in 1938. In September 1940 Marshall Ion Antonescu created the so called National-Legionary State, in whose government the Iron Guard participated. But soon the guardists began to do atrocities and revolted against Antonescu, who finally supressed them with the help of Nazi Germany.

Samuel BENEŠ
Protestantské obce v Srbsku do roku 1953
[Protestant Communities in Serbia until 1953]
s. 61–80

The essay comments on the emergence of Protestant communities on the territory of the future Federative Republic of Yugoslavia from its genesis in the 16th century until 1953, when Yugoslavia passed a law on religious organisations. Protestant churches spread over the Yugoslav territory from as early as the 16th century. They penetrated into today’s Slovenia and Croatia, but were almost completely pushed back one year later. In spite of its momentary duration, the reform left significant traces particularly in Slovenia. The Bible was translated into Slovene, which became a foundation for the modern Slovenian language. From the successful re-Catholicization of Slovenia, reformist ideas spread entirely through foreign, non-South-Slav national groups. As a matter of fact, these national groups have been the greatest protagonists of Protestantism on the Yugoslavian territory up to present time. The German Lutheran Church was the most significant Protestant church in Yugoslavia up to World War II, when it was succeeded by the Slovakian Evangelist Church. Although they were not very numerous, the Protestant churches received great attention due to their contact with foreign countries; some of them became partly discredited by their collaboration with occupants. For this reason they were regarded as unreliable by the communists and closely watched.

Tomáš CHROBÁK
Diktatura krále Alexandra a československá diplomacie (1929–1931)
[King Alexander’s Dictatorship and the Czechoslovak Diplomacy in 1929–1931]
s. 81–91

Based on Czech diplomatic materials, the study explains the attitude of Czechoslovak governmental circles towards King Alexander’s dictatorship. It was formed in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes from January 6, 1929 until the autumn of 1931, when the regime was incorporated into a formal constitutional framework octroyed by the sovereign and a new election was held. The essay describes the dilemmas to which foreign policy was exposed. On the one hand it strove to sustain a key ally for Czechoslovakia, but on the other hand did not want to bog into domestic political conflicts in the South Slav state. The initial optimism regarding the potentialities of the authoritarian regime in consolidating the country (impersonated by the envoy Jan Šeba and his superior Edvard Beneš) was replaced by an increasing disillusion over intellectual sterility and lack of political imagination of the royal regime at resolving existential problems of the Yugoslavian state. The warning prognoses of the Zagreb consul Jindřich Andrial and the more recent critical attitudes of the chargé d’affaires Lev Vokáč came to light. Even the most moderately formulated critical attitudes from the Czechoslovak side met with exasperated resistance from the official Belgrade circles. Behind the persisting façade of the Czechoslovak-Yugoslavian alliance this time produced the first symptoms of mutual estrangement and incipient disintegration of the alliance.


MATERIÁLY A DOKUMENTY


Kateřina PRAŽÁKOVÁ
Vyzvědači mezi křížem a půlměsícem. Turecké nebezpečí z pohledu polského zpravodaje ve druhé polovině 16. století
[Spies between the Cross and the Crescent; the Turkish Threat as Seen by a Polish Reporter in the Second Half of the 16th Century]
s. 93–107

Among valuable documents from the Rožmberk and Švamberk archives, which are deposited in the Historica collection of the regional archive in Třeboň, several hundred manuscript newspapers and news items from the 16th century have been preserved. This extensive collection contains a unique report on the Turkish policy towards the Polish-Lithuanian state.
It was written by an unknown Polish reporter on his return journey from Constantinople in 1576. He wanted to warn his patron, probably a senator, against the schemes of the Ottoman government about which he had heard from spies on the Sultan’s court. He accompanied his information by numerous commentaries. Thus his report provides a peek into the 16th century Polish noblemen’s lives and portraits the image of the Turks in their minds. Conversely, citations by the Viziers, their reporters and advisors provide information about the way the Rzeczpospolita was regarded by foreigners.
The newspaper opens with plots concerning the Black Sea region, where the Turks aspired to prevent further Cossacks’ interventions. However, the Grand Vizier’s hunger to pillage or conquer the Polish-Lithuanian state seemed to be much more important. The reporter dealt with this topic in the second, more extensive part of his report. With great apprehension he informed on a counsel between the Grand Vizier and an unknown Frenchman, who willingly offered his intelligence on the Polish-Lithuanian state and instigated the Turks to attack it.


RECENZE, POZNÁMKY, ZPRÁVY


A. J. GUREVIČ
Historikova historie
(Josef Šaur)
s. 109–110

Dominique AREL – Blair A. RUBLE
Rebounding Identities. The Politics of Identity in Russia and Ukraine
(Zuzana Kopajová)
s. 110–112

Dov LYNCH
Why Georgia matters – Chaillot paper n. 86
(Terezie Holmerová)
s. 112–115

Jadwiga STANISZKIS
Postkomunizmus. Zrod hádanky
(Zuzana Kopajová)
s. 115–116

Walter LEITSCH
Sigismund III. von Polen und Jan Zamoyski. Die Rolle Estlands in der Rivalität zwischen König und Hetman
(Kateřina Pražáková)
s. 116–118

Michal KUBÁT
Vývoj a proměny státního zřízení Polska ve 20. století. Institucionálně politická studie
(Stanislav Balík)

s. 118–120

Jan ŽUPANIČ
Rakousko-Uhersko a polská otázka za první světové války
(Petr Prokš)
s. 120–122

Diletantstvo, arogancia a provokácia
(Mikuláš Nevrlý)
s. 122–123

Reynolds M. SALERNO
Vital Crossroads. Mediterranean Origins of the Second World War
(Ondřej Houska)
s. 124–126

Za (skoro) všechno mohou Židé (Solženicyn o Židech v Rusku)
(Jerzy Tomaszewski)
s. 126–131


List do redakcji „Slovanskeho přehledu”
Marek Kazimierz Kamiński
s. 132–133

Vyjádření autora recenze k dopisu prof. dr. Marka Kamińského
Jindřich Dejmek
s. 134–135

K čemu taková diskuse?
Jan Němeček
s. 136–137

KRONIKA


Martin MAREK
Interpretace ruských revolucí. Brno, 26. října 2007
[The Interpretation of Russian Revolutions. Brno, October 26, 2007]

s. 149–150

LIDÉ A DOBA


Martin PELC
Působení českého odboru Slovinského alpského spolku. Z každodennosti česko-slovinských vztahů před rokem 1914
[Activities of the Czech Division of the Slovenian Alpine Association. The Dailiness of Czech-Slovenian Relations Prior to 1914]
s. 151–167

The Czech division of the Slovenian Alpine Association originated in 1897 and was the oldest Czech alpinist association. It enjoyed a considerable independence within the parent organisation mainly due to independent financial management. It was an elite club with the maximum of 600 members. It worked on improving accessibility of Slavonic Alps. Initially it concentrated on the village of Jezerska in the Savinjan Alps where the chairman of the union, university professor Karel Chodounský, was accompanied by a group of Czech tourists each year. The younger, academic wing of the association, which had its head office in Kranjska Gora, was involved in intensive explorations of the Julian Alps around 1915. Its protagonists, prominent geographers Dr. Viktor Dvorský and Dr. Jiří Čermák, explored some less known sections of the Julian Alps and published their findings in the Association’s press and a number of professional publications.
The Czech association ideologically built on the idea of Slavic mutuality. It chose locations with Slovenian population to avoid Germanisation. The association intended to facilitate Czech tourists’ visits to Slovenian lands by building and marking footpaths, constructing chalets, regulating mountain guiding and optimizing the transport connection with Bohemia. In addition, it acquainted the Czech public with Slovenian culture in tourist publications, social evenings and lectures. The high status and professional erudition of its members made sure that the cultural goals were achieved on top level. Between 1898 and 1914, the Alpský věstník magazine became a key platform in which most space was dedicated to the Slovenian mountains and culture.
After the collapse of the Habsburg Monarchy, the Czechs’ travels to Slovenia became more complicated by the creation of two new state borders. In addition, Czech alpinists started concentrating on the Slovak Tatras and non-Slavic Alps. After World War I, the Czech division disintegrated and relinquished its chalet in the Savinjan Alps to the Ljubljana head office. The Club of Czech Alpinists, i. e. the succession organization, did not reassume the pre-war intensity of relations with Slovenian Alpine regions.