Historický ústav akademie věd České republiky, v. v. i.

SLOVANSKÝ PŘEHLED
2007
ročník XCIII
č. 4


ČLÁNKY


Igor TCHOUKARINE
Zákaz ze srpna 1948: přelomová událost českosloven­ské­ho turismu v Jugoslávii [ The ban of August 2nd 1948: a rupture event of Czechoslovak tourism in Yugoslavia ]
s. 449–462

Czechoslovak tourism in Yugoslavia was abruptly interrupted on August 2nd 1948 by an order from the Czechoslovak Ministry of the Interior which forbade further touristic travels to Yugoslavia . Understood to be a consequence of the Cominform resolution of June 1948, this ban was ne­vertheless one of the first hostile measures against Yugoslavia . The interdiction was firstly justified by Č edok, the Czechoslovak national tourist agency, for the reason of organizational deficiencies from the side of Putnik, its Yugoslav counterpart. For three weeks Yugoslav authorities tried un­successfully to solve the quarrel. Therefore, an official Yugoslav condemnation of this ban was pu­blished in Borba on August 23th 1948. This article not only proposes a political reading of this tou­ristic quarrel but also brings this event back to its own temporality by examining reactions and roles of tourist associations, party officials, and individuals in both countries. This ban had major con­sequences for thousands of Czechoslovak tourists as it interrupted or modified their vacations. Youth exchanges were curtly interrupted and travels of Czechoslovak miners to Yugoslavia stirred up political troubles for their leaders. The ban of August 1948 definitely meant a breach in tourist re­lations since Czechoslovak tourism in Yugoslavia did not resume until 1956.


Ondřej ŽÍLA
Proměna etnické struktury obyvatelstva Bosny a Hercegoviny v letech 1948–1991 [ Transformation of the Ethnic Structure in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1948–1991 ]
s. 463–499

This article comments on fundamental societal and economical transformations in Bosnia and Herzegovina after World War II, which affected natural and territorial movement of population. In the last three decades of the 20th century, growing emigration of the Serbs and Croats, a relatively balanced migration of the Moslems, together with differences in the natural increase of individual ethnic groups and consequences of previous demographic trends, had a fundamental effect on changes of the ethnical structure and rise of regional and demographic polarisation of Bosnia and on the growth of national homogenisation of the population.


Jan PELIKÁN
Vztahy Jugoslávie se Sovětským svazem a Českosloven­skem vpředvečer normalizace (leden – březen 1969) [ Relations of Yugoslavia with the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia on the Eve of Nor­ma­lisation (January – March 1969) ] s. 501–520

Tensions between Moscow and Belgrade weakened at the end of 1968. It became clear that gaining a dominant influence over the Federative Republic of Yugoslavia was not Moscow ’s prio­rity. For Belgrade , this finding was reassuring. However, the occupation of Czechoslovakia made J. Broz Tito reassess his existing approach towards the USSR . He realised that a gradual approach to the USSR was not prospective. Moscow ’s boycott of the March Ninth Congress of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia increased the tension again. It stemmed from the fear that Moscow ’s po­litics would be publicly criticised. Shortly after the congress, however, it became clear that the boycott by the USSR and its satellites was a mere episode. The Kremlin showed interest in keeping harmonious relations with Yugoslavia , which was readily accepted by J. Broz Tito.
At the beginning of 1969, the relations between Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia were still standing still. The reason corresponded the entire post-August period: uneasiness concerning Moscow ’s resentment, which might be caused by bonds with Tito’s regime. Relations with Yugo­sla­via got into focus in connection with the LCY Congress in March 1969. After some hesitation, the leaders of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia decided to accept an invitation to the con­gress. However, the participation was revoked by a direct command from Moscow . This event rou­sed a wave of protests among the Czechoslovaks.


Miroslav MICHELA
Pamäť, politika a Trianon. Kontextualizácia „nového za­čiatku“ v novodobých slovensko-maďarských vzťa­hoch [ Memories, Politics and Trianon. Concept of the “New Beginning” in the Modern Slo­vak-Hungarian Relationships]
s. 521–528
Following political changes in the late 80’s socialist bloc, Czechoslovakia experienced a certain boom of nationalism, which became a legitimising element for the current political conceptions. The Slovaks opened discussions on Slovak-Czech and Slovak-Hungarian relations, which resulted in a conflict concerning the character of national history. The year 1918 may be labelled as the start of new Slovak-Hungarian and Hungarian-Slovak relations. The perception of this event profoundly differs in both nations: according to the Slovaks, it marked the end of persecutions (“a thousand-year serfdom”), while the Hungarians perceived this change as a national catastrophe. This led to a ne­gative image of the other party as an enemy and presentation of two collective memoirs.



MATERIÁLY A DOKUMENTY


Miroslav KRYL
Deník Jiřího Dimitrova jako historický pramen (9. 3. 1933 – 6. 2. 1949) [ Georgi Dimitrov’s Diary as a Historical Source (9th March 1933 – 6th February 1949) ] s. 529–551

Very extensive memoirs by one of the top communist politicians capture a broad spectrum of dra­matic events on both European and global scale over the period of sixteen years. Scholastic edition of Bulgarian historians and archivists, which was accomplished in Sofia in 1997, set up a platform for writing this treatise. The article is arranged on several factual levels. The first concerns Di­mitrov’s involvement in saving two Jewish families in the town of Boskovice . The second level deals with Dimitrov’s memoirs from Berlin and Leipzig prisons in 1933-34. The testimony of the Bul­garian Tsar Boris II to the process and Dimitrov’s own personality is significant. The statements on the Comintern’s leading structures are equally important. The article briefly comments on the diary’s contribution to a better grasp of the relationship between Dimitrov and Stalin. It is clear that by the spring of 1934, Stalin had become an almighty ruler not only over the USSR , but over the Co­mintern, too. The diary provides evidence of Soviet reprisals in the second half of the 1930s’. We discern the writer’s inner world and find information on the Communist movement with which he connected his life as a professional revolutionist.



RECENZE, POZNÁMKY, ZPRÁVY


William C. FULLER, Jr.
The Foe Within. Fantasies of Treason and the End of Im­pe­rial Russia
(Zbyněk Vydra)
s. 553-555

Grzegorz Zackiewicz
Polska my śl polityczna wobec systemu radzieckiego 1918–1939
(Jan Dvořák)
s. 556–558

Radmila RADIĆ
Država i verske zajednice 1945–1970
(Samuel Beneš)
s. 558–560

Zemřel za svobodu Ukrajiny
(Олег Ольжич: Вибранi твори)
(Mikuláš Nevrlý)
s. 560–562

Andrzej de Lazari
Katalog wzajemnych uprzedzeń Polaków i Rosjan
(Kateřina Pražáková)
s. 562–564

Glosy k nové polské monografii o projektu československo-polské konfederace v letech druhé světové války
(Marek Kazimierz Kamiński: Edvard Beneš kontra gen. Władysław Sikorski. Polityka władz czechosłowackich na emigracji wobec rządu polskiego na uchodźstwie 1939–1943)
(Jindřich Dejmek)
s. 564–574



KRONIKA

Radomír VLČEK
Miroslav Šesták sedmdesátníkem [The Seventieth Anniversary of Miroslav Šesták]
s. 576-579

Jiří ŠTĚPÁN
Mezinárodní konference České, slovenské a československé dějiny 20. století II. [The International Conference The Czech, Slovak, and Czechoslovak History of the 20th Century II]
s. 579–580

Emil VORÁČEK
Reflexe politické linie Kominterny na přelomu 20.–30. let v materiálech německé sociální demokracie [The Reflexion of the Political Line of the Comintern in the Documents of German Social-Democracy on the Turn of the 20´s and the 30´s]
s. 580–583

Anastázia LUKÁČOVÁ
Konfrence věnovaná životu a dílu Dmytra Antonovyče [A Conference Dedicated to the Life and Work of Dmytr Antonovych]
s. 583–584

Kateřina KRÁLOVÁ
„Řecká občanská válka po 60 letech“ [„The Greek Civil War After Sixty Years“]
s. 584–586


LIDÉ A DOBA


Lubomíra HAVLÍKOVÁ
K setkání Konstantina Jirečka s Ernestem Denisem [ Ernest Denis’s Encounters with Konstantin Jireček
s. 587–596

The author comments on the encounters of two prominent European historians, K. Jireček and Ernest Denis. They took place during Denis’s studies in Prague and Jireček’s university studies at Prague University in 1872-1875. They did not only meet over scholastic work and at social events, but went on trips around Bohemia , too.


Emil SOULEIMANOV
Několik poznatků k sociální antropologii Čečenců [Several Findings on the Chechens’ Social Anthropology]
s. 597–616

This paper is an attempt to bring light to some crucial patterns of social organization, as well as behavioral stereotypes and other ethno-cultural peculiarities of the Chechens; the author argues that at least basic understanding of important local phenomena should serve as a point of departure for exploring the causes and forms of the ongoing violence in Chechnya and its adjacent areas. The article begins by explaining the theories of ethnic origins of the Chechen people; it also illustrates the fact that for the most period of their history, the Chechens, unlike some of their Caucasian neighbors, have had no feudal aristocracy which would bring strong patterns of social stratification into the society. In subsequent subchapters, the article deals with the social organization of Chechen society differentiating between various frames of collective identity based either on (the conscious­ness of) blood ties or territorial solidarity. The paper centers on the issue of violence and its per­ception among the Chechens, exploring the essence of the cult of the brave, concept of honor, vying for prestige and closely related phenomena embedded in local customary law such as blood feud and collective responsibility. Some basic ethno-cultural patterns such as gender, age, but also humor are highlighted in the final subchapters drawing up the image of the Chechens as a “heaven” for ethno­logists.