Historický ústav akademie věd České republiky, v. v. i.

MODERNÍ DĚJINY
roč. 27, 2019, č. 2



OBSAH • CONTENT


STUDIE • STUDIES

Petr POPELKA
Rolník nové doby. Hospodářské spolky a jejich role v hospodářské a společenské modernizaci moravského venkova ve druhé polovině 19. století
[Peasants of the new era. Farming associations and their role in the economic and social modernisation of rural Moravia in the second half of the 19th century]
s. 1–29

Jan KOUMAR
Emanuel Collalto e San Salvatore. Tři pohledy na život „posledního muže starého režimu v Rakousku“
[Emanuel Collalto e San Salvatore. Three perspectives on the life of the “last man of the old regime in Austria”]
s. 31–53

Jan JIRÁŇ
Český skauting a český národ v letech 1912–1922
[Czech Scouts and the Czech nation in years 1912–1922]
s. 55–77

Lubomír NOVOTNÝ
Bez Czernina bychom republiku neměli? (Hrabě Ottokar von Czernin v letech 1916–1918)
[Without Czernin we would not have Republik. (Count Ottokar von Czernin in 1916–1918)]
s. 79–100

Wilhelm BRAUNEDER
Deutschösterreich 1918: Die Gründung der Republik und Ihre Ausrufung
[German Austria 1918: The Founding of the Republic and Its Proclamation]
s. 101–114

Lenka HRDINOVÁ
První pozemková reforma jako „spravedlivé“ vypořádání se s aristorkracií v Československu pohledem dobových  pramenů
[Land reform as a “fair” settlement with the aristocracy in Czechoslovakia from the perspective of contemporary sources]
s. 115–130

Jindřich DEJMEK
Problematika Afriky na mírové konferenci v Paříži 1919 a vznik mandátního systému Společnosti národů. (Přehled základních problémů)
[Problematics of Africa at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 and the establishment of the League of Nations mandate system. (Overview of core problems)]
s. 131–159

Noemi SÁRIČKOVÁ
Problematika otcovství v česky psaných učebnicích meziválečného Československa
[The Question of Fatherhood in Czech written textbooks of interwar Czechoslovakia]
s. 161–183

Martin PELC
Počátky sázkových kanceláří v Československu v letech 1934 –1936
[The emergence of bookmakers in Czechoslovakia in 1934–1936]
s. 185–202

Jaroslav KADLEC
Antisemitská publicistika Romana Dmowského ve 30. letech 20. století
[Antisemitic publishing of Roman Dmowski in the 1930s]
s. 203–233

Viktor JANÁK
Politická agitace strany Františka Mikuláše Mlčocha v Protektorátu Čechy a Morava 1939–1945
[The political agitation of František Mikuláš Mlčoch’s party in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, 1939–1945]
s. 235–262

Josef TOMEŠ
Půlstoletí v české politice. Život, činnost a odkaz Jóži Davida
[Half a century in Czech politics. The life, work and legacy of Jóža David]
s. 263–290

Marie DOKOUPILOVÁ – Tomáš JELÍNEK
Zkáza starého židovského hřbitova v Prostějově
[The destruction of the old Jewish cemetery in Prostějov]
s. 291–312


MATERIÁLY •  MATERIALS

Václav VELČOVSKÝ
Paměti Josefa Klimenta jako historický pramen
[Josef Kliment’s memoirs as a historical source]
s. 313–326


KRONIKA • CHRONICLE

The Frustrated Peace? The Versailles Treaty and its Political, Social and Economic Impact on Europe
Emil Voráček
s. 327–333


RECENZE  • REVIEWS

František ČERVINKA, Studie, eseje, polemiky. K vydání připravil Martin Kučera. Redakce: Eva Červinková, Praha - Vysoké Mýto, Sumbalon 2017, 371 s.
CNB 002982443
(Marie L. Neudorflová)
s. 335–339

Miroslav ŠEPTÁK, Mezi demokracií a autoritářstvím. Rakouská vnitřní a zahraniční politika v letech 1931–1934, Praha, Academia 2018, 521 s.
ISBN 978-80-200-2806-8
(Marie L. Neudorflová)                                                         
s. 339–344

James Mace WARD, Jozef Tiso. Kněz, politik, kolaborant, Praha, Slovart 2018, 416 s.
ISBN 978-80-7391-875-0
(Marek Šmíd)
s. 344–348
                                                                                                                                           
Tomáš BUTTA – Jiří VANÍČEK (eds.), Karel Farský. Sborník věnovaný 90. výročí modernistického kněze, učitele a patriarchy Církve československé husitské, Praha, Církev československá husitská 2017, 176 s.
ISBN 978-80-7000-135-6
(Marek Šmíd)
s. 348

Prokop TOMEK – Ivo PEJČOCH, Černá kniha sovětské okupace. Sovětská armáda v Československu a její oběti 1968-1991, Cheb, Svět křídel, 2018, 479 s.
ISBN 978-80-7573-045-9
(Martin Dolejský)
s. 349–350


SUMMARY

Petr POPELKA

Peasants of the new era. Farming associations and their role in the economic and social modernisation of rural Moravia in the second half of the 19th century In the second half of the 19th century, rural society underwent a significant transformation. 1848 was the year which symbolically launched the process of peasants’ economic and social emancipation. Achieving freedom – both personal freedom and freedom to own property – represented a fundamental precondition for the social and intellectual formation of a new type of peasant. This new type of peasant was, despite all limitations, self-confident, educated, basically economically independent, and fully integrated within the process of the qualitative development of a new society.  In rural areas, the new type of relations between people and the new cultural and economic reality were shaped in particular by the newly established local authorities, associations and the press. This study looks at the roles played by the newly established district farming associations. Alongside the farming press, these were where the main impetus towards modernising the rural environment originated until at least the 1870s, and they spearheaded the modern agrarian movement. The study looks at the most important aspects of the associations’ activities, which aimed to secure both farming modernisation (spreading information on new methods in agriculture and technology, organising farming exhibitions, efforts to set up agricultural schools, etc.), and also for peasantry to be recognised as an important component of the modern national community.


Jan KOUMAR
Emanuel Collalto e San Salvatore. Three perspectives on the life of the “last man of the old regime in Austria”
 
Emanuel Josef, the fourth Prince of Collalto e San Salvatore (1854–1924) was renowned both for his generous philanthropy and also his eccentric behaviour. The holder of an extensive Moravian fideicommissum, he was born at the castle in Uherčice in December 1854 to Karolína Collalto, née Apponyi, and Eduard Octavián, the third Prince of Collalto. When his father died unexpectedly on 24 March 1862, he became the Prince at just eight years of age, and also the holder of the family estates under the guardianship of his uncle and mother. Under the influence of his mother in particular, he also became a generous donor to many charities. On the other hand, however, he was also inclined towards what his great-niece Marie Therese Collalto termed a demimonde. He maintained close relations with his step-brother – the bastard Mořic – married Irma Büttner (1859-1931), daughter of Eduard Büttner, a major who fell in 1859 at Montebello, and Ludovika Büttner, née Othová. This morganatic marriage might have represented an obstacle within society and in his political career, but Prince Emanuel did not lead an extensive social life, and he entirely renounced a political career. He never actually took up his membership of the Austrian House of Lords, inherited from his father, and he withdrew from political life. Although Emanuel concealed his marriage from higher society, Irma nevertheless accompanied him on all his travels and on social occasions: they met up with the Auerspergs, Kinskys and Belcredis. Although his marriage with Irma was childless, alongside his lifestyle it led to the Prince becoming a thorn in the side of his family. He attempted to resolve the situation in post-war Czechoslovakia, in which the abolition of noble titles and land reform led to the reduction of the Collalto majorat by almost a third, although at the time he was suffering from chronic health difficulties which he eventually succumbed to on 11 December 1924. His heir as holder of the family’s Moravian estates was his great-nephew, Manfred Collalto. Although in his will, Emanuel provided his wife with a secure inheritance, she was unable to win the favour of the rest of the family. Furthermore, in the post-war circumstances she suffered from financial problems: she died essentially without any assets seven years after her husband on 9 May 1931. During Emanuel’s period of holding the majorat, the House of Collalto experienced a period of stagnation which Emanuel’s heir Manfred was unable to lift it out of. The post-war political situation played a major role in his life, however, in both successor states in which the Collaltos held property: Austria and Czechoslovakia. Also important was the nature of the Prince: Emanuel was someone for whom the “long” nineteenth century with all its advantages and its lifestyle had never ended. As such, his great-niece described him in her memoirs as the: “last man of the old regime in Austria”.


Jan JIRÁŇ
Czech Scouts and the Czech nation in years 1912–1922 Compared to the situation in Great Britain and Germany, the relationship to the state in Zaklady junáctví (Foundations of Scouting) was not positively formulated for Czech scouts. According to Lord Baden-Powell’s Scouting for Boys, scouts were to prepare for being good citizens of the Empire, which they were to defend. In contrast, in a treatise written by Karel Kramář, Czech scouts were to fight for the federalisation of Cisleithania. The reality was somewhat different. Czech Scouts endeavoured to get on with the Austrian authorities to ensure the society could be run smoothly. Prior to the war and during it, the Scouts performed organisational and security services at a number of events in which Austrian representatives took part. Problems arose where on the one hand, the Scouts were subject to complaints that they were not sufficiently nationalist in how they were run, and on the other hand that they were not pro-Austrian enough. The situation deteriorated during the war, which further exacerbated the problem. Czech Scouts moved between the two poles to avoid the disbanding of their organisation during the war period, something that the Sokol movement, for example, was affected by. At a practical level, the situation where on the one hand, the Scouts were subject to complaints that they were not sufficiently nationalist in how they were run, and on the other hand that they were not pro-Austrian enough caused a problem. From 1918, Czech Scouts participated in events demonstrating for Czech interests. In 1918, they showed clear support for the nationalists, and supported the nascent republic through its activities in October and November 1918. Following Czechoslovakia’s establishment, there was a clear proclamation in support of the republic, and President T G Masaryk even became a patron of the organisation. Thus the link between the new state and Czech Scouts was a lot stronger. Over the course of the 1920s, and the 1930s in particular, the movement underwent huge development, now having tens of thousands of members. By 1920, Czech Scouts was recognised by the Boy Scouts International Bureau.


Lubomír NOVOTNÝ
Without Czernin we would not have Republik. (Count Ottokar von Czernin in 1916–1918 The Great War and its outcome in Central Europe in the form of the collapse of the Habsburg Monarchy remains a well-recognised topic in history. The destruction, abolition and dissolution of the dual monarchy was a hypothetical option right up to the final year of war, with none of the warring parties intending to do away with the monarchy entirely. Although conditions within the Habsburg Empire were tense, without external forces and the decision of the Western Allies, it would not have been possible to dissolve the Empire. Although Czechoslovak and South Slavic foreign acts were a tool used to destabilise the Habsburg state, they could not have played a key role in its dissolution. Right up until spring 1918, Masaryk and his allies had to assume that they would not be returning home. This paper analyses the role of Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister, Ottokar von Czernin, and his policies in 1916-1918, his efforts at maintaining the Empire’s territorial integrity in the form of the status quo ante, maintaining the alliance with Germany while preserving the independence of the monarchy, and his effort at ending the military conflict rather than concluding a separate peace. His policies failed. The open admission that Vienna was no longer able to pursue independent policies, that it was unable to maintain a viable level of independence not just from Berlin, but that it was also dependent on Budapest, was a turning point for London and Washington. Paris and Rome had already grasped the situation. It is an historical irony that Czernin dug much of the monarchy’s grave.


Wilhelm BRAUNEDER
German Austria 1918: The Founding of the Republic and Its Proclamation In the interwar period, Austria celebrated the 12th of November as the founding of the state in 1918. In fact, this day was chosen as a national holiday because of the "proclamation" of the republic - not because of its founding. This was already done on October 30, 1918 with State Law Gazette No. 1. This was also Federal President Renner, 1918 and 1945 State Chancellor, on an oil painting initiated by him in 1946 hold just with the inscription "The founding of the 1st Republic on 30 October 1918". Unfortunately, this founding day fell into oblivion for a long time and only in the last decades did it experience a "resurrection".


Lenka HRDINOVÁ
Land reform as a “fair” settlement with the aristocracy in Czechoslovakia from the perspective of contemporary sources Land reform was one of the most important acts of the First Czechoslovak Republic. It formally completed the democratic state system, in which all citizens were equal and all had the same opportunities, thus helping to ease social extremes. On the other hand, this particular act had an impact on one whole social group of the population, no matter the justifications that were made for it using historical or socio-political arguments. Although political declarations regarding land reform made no mention of former members of the aristocracy, but rather landowners, the idea of owners of large areas of land being former aristocrats resonated strongly within public opinion, with these members of the nobility representing one of the linchpins of the old system, and also being German, thus representing a natural enemy of the new republic. I have endeavoured to prove this hypothesis using a number of excerpts from contemporaneous documents, whether they were written by land reform sympathisers or in contrast they were criticising the chosen form of land tenure change in Czechoslovakia. It is fascinating that following this period of great revolutionary spirit in which there was a strong anti-aristocratic element to public opinion, the situation subsequently settled to such an extent that society was once again showing respect for the former noble class. Land reform was not as sweeping or severe in its consequences as it had seemed to begin with. A large proportion of the land grabbed was returned to its original owner within 30 years. The land reform process nevertheless likely left some landowners feeling great bitterness. The question is to what extent this fact let to any later tendency towards the ideology of National Socialism. This is a field of study which should continue to be investigated in more detail.


Jindřich DEJMEK
Problematics of Africa at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 and the establishment of the League of Nations mandate system. (Overview of core problems) The First World War meant – in the declaration of a British protectorate over Egypt in 1914 and the Allies’ gradual occupation of all of Germany’s colonies between 1914 and 1917 – the map of the European powers’ overseas possessions in Africa was redrawn. European powers, in particular Great Britain, France and Italy especially, aspired for the “consolidation” or expansion of their colonial territories, although the changing international situation meant they could not simply annex such territories. American President W Wilson and some of his advisors, British liberals and socialists and other intellectual circles supported at least a partial internationalisation of colonial issues, due to the cruelty of German policies in the territories under Berlin’s control. The creation of a new international institution, the League of Nations, led to the genesis of the idea of so-called mandates over some of the colonial possessions, in particular the former German colonies in Africa which were shared between Great Britain, France and also the Union of South Africa and Belgium. Some European powers, especially Italy, attempted to hold secret discussions in Paris to secure the expansion of their own empires, but this method of dividing up Africa essentially became a marginal one in 1919-1920, one reason being the mutually conflicting interests of London, Rome and Paris. The German colonies – now Tanganyika, Cameroon and Togo – became LN Class B mandates divided up between Britain (Tanganyika, British Camaroons and part of Togoland), France (much of Cameroon and Togoland) and Belgium (Ruanda-Urundi), with the League of Nations’ so-called Mandates Commission having formal supervision over their administration. German South West Africa (later Namibia) became a Class C mandate of the Union of South Africa which meant – like similar mandates of Australia, New Zealand and Japan in the Pacific – de facto incorporation into the mandatory power. The mandate system in Africa was definitively completed in 1922, although as more recent research has shown, it represented more of a modified version of the original European colonialism which did not bring the population of the mandate territories any major benefits. This was one reason why the system was replaced by a differently-operating system of Trusteeships under the administration of the newly-established UN at the end of the Second World War.


Noemi SÁRIČKOVÁ
The Question of Fatherhood in Czech written textbooks of interwar Czechoslovakia
 
The submitted study describes the models of the father’s role presented in Czechoslovak textbooks written in Czech and published between 1918 and 1939. The underlying assumption of this study is a conviction that textbooks, as aids to the educational process designed to transfer society’s standards and ideals, may represent valuable testimony to the view of contemporary society of itself and the standards it considered worth following. Textbooks designed for Civics lessons and reading books for Czech Language and Literature, an important part of which was descriptions of contemporary society and its standards, were chosen for the analysis. A secondary analysis was also made of textbooks for Sex Education which also looked at marriage and fatherhood. In Civics textbooks in particular, the father in the spirit of the law at the time is presented as the head of the family ruling over the lives of its members, and representing the family to the outside. In the context of the described concept of the family in particular as a core unit of society, or otherwise – as the foundation of the state, the father’s role can also be perceived as a kind of symbolic bridge between the state and the family. In different texts, mostly conceived as stories of life, the assumption of the father’s dominance within the family remains, if mentioned at all. It is shown, however, that this domination need not be considered absolutely rigid. In these texts, the father is described above all as a loving husband and an engaged educator and friend to his children. Frequent topics of the mainly reading texts are the father and children discussing matters, or playing together, with an educational aspect clearly present in these activities. Despite this evident stress on the man’s involvement in family life, the father is still perceived above all as holding the role of breadwinner in these texts, involving doing strenuous labour in order to secure the family’s livelihood. This is symbolised by the father’s calluses, which are most commonly a source of admiration. Thus ultimately the textbooks support the contemporary idea of the division of male and female spheres, ascribing women a place in the home and men in public work. In this context, it is interesting to compare this role of the father so described with the ideas of Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk, presented as an ethical model including in his family life. This is despite the fact that Masaryk’s true opinions were different in a number of points to the textbooks in his view of marriage and the role of men and women. The first Czechoslovak president was an advocate of a higher level of overlap in the work roles of husband and wife – such that men were more involved in family life and looking after the household, and women undertook more public and gainful activities.


Martin PELC
The emergence of bookmakers in Czechoslovakia in 1934–1936
 
The emergence of bookmakers was one signal of the advancing commercialisation of sport in Central Europe in the interwar period. In 1934, the first bookmaking licence authorising betting on the outcomes of sports matches was awarded in Czechoslovakia, with the exception of horse racing was awarded in Czechoslovakia. These were betted on during the Austria-Hungary period, and were subject to special laws. Those taking horse racing bets operated directly at the racecourse and did not operate a series of branches, unlike bookmakers. The first bookmaker in the Czech lands was named Sposak (Sportovní sázková kancelář – lit. Sports Betting Office). The licence was awarded to Jiří Rübenstein, but the main figure behind the business was businessman Josef Burda. He had previously worked as a boxing manager and promoter in Berlin, from where he had returned following Adolf Hitler’s seizure of power in 1933. His first application for a bookmaking licence was rejected in 1933, but his next application was accepted in January 1934. The bookmaker began operating in February 1934. Following the split of partners Rübenstein and Burda, the former set up his own bookmaker, Vernon-Toto. While Sposak operated under licence from Edinburgh company Everyman’s, Vernon-Toto used a Liverpool totalisator. Both bookmakers used a totalisator system (tote). Burda’s Sposak was much more widespread, having just over three hundred contractual outlets. Sposak took bets for football matches, most commonly in the Czechoslovak, English and Scottish leagues, international matches, club cups, and also, occasionally, for motor races. The bookmakers were continuously subject to criticism from the operators of the state lottery. The Finance Ministry took action to ban their activities in mid-1935, and Sposak branches were definitively abolished in Slovakia and the Moravian-Silesian lands at the start of 1936. Josef Burda then developed his bookmaking activities in Paris, and his associate Karel Macháček even organised a private bookmakers in the German Federal Republic in the 1950s. Upon his return to Czechoslovakia in 1938, Burda began expressing support for fascism, and ended up holding significant power in the Vlajka organisation, and was executed in 1946. Betting on the outcome of sports events was restored under state control in 1948 to 1953 (STASKA – Státní sázková kancelář/State Betting Office) and definitively in 1956 with the establishment of SAZKA.


Jaroslav KADLEC
Antisemitic publishing of Roman Dmowski in the 1930s The 1930s were marked by the rise of radical opinions throughout Europe, and Poland was no exception. One such ideology was an ever-more radical antisemitism. In Poland, a key figure in antisemitic opinions was Roman Dmowsko, whose journalism contained antisemitism from his very first writings. In the 1930s, in contrast to previous periods, his position became radicalised to an unprecedented extent. In his writings, full of antisemitic hate, he demonised the Jewish influence on the Polish and European civilisation and had no qualms in using racist terminology. Yet Dmowsko remained the most important Polish right-wing politician and a model for the nationalist youth. His publications and articles likely influenced the radical youth and contributed if not to the impossibility of Polish-Jewish coexistence, then certainly to its deterioration. Young radicals were very willing to listen to Dmowski, and some of them went even further than he did.


Viktor JANÁK
The political agitation of František Mikuláš Mlčoch’s party in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, 1939–1945 Every party desires to get into political power as fast as possible. This can only be done by winning the population’s favour, which party leadership must reach out to. During the period of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, however, smaller political parties understandably did not have the same opportunities that today’s political groups of a similar size enjoy. The mass media was in its infancy, and the only way to reach the wider public was through printed materials. However, smaller political parties were beset by a lack of funds, limiting their ability to promote themselves through printed materials. As such, many political parties decided to reach out to the general public through leaflet campaigns, which were the cheapest way to promote their political programmes and ideologies. This was the case for František Mlčoch’s National Socialist Czech Workers and Peasants Party (NSČDRS). The primary objective of its campaign was to recruit new members to this recently established party. A secondary purpose was to use direct information to win over the general public. These propaganda leaflets were published from 1939, the year the party was established, until 1943, when NSČDRS de facto stopped operating, although it was not closed down de jure until after the war. It is of note that the party was illegal, because only one party was permitted in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia: National Partnership. Despite this fact, it was tolerated by the Nazis, probably due to the good relations between party leaders and local Nazi institutions and their representatives. All leaflets were spread via illegal posts. The first leaflets issued were a kind of introduction to the party and its symbols, while leaflets published later were in contrast highly propagandistic in nature.


Josef TOMEŠ
Half a century in Czech politics. The life, work and legacy of Jóža David Czech National Socialist politician and journalist, Josef David, whose concise political biography is provided in the published study, was born on 17 February 1884 in Kylešovice u Opavy. He studied at the Czech gymnasium (grammar school) in Opava, which he was expelled from in 1901 for his political activities. In 1902, he founded the first National Socialist organisation in Silesia, and later served as an official and journalist for the party in the Opava district, in 1907–11 in the North Bohemian border area, and in 1912–14 in Mladá Boleslav. During the First World War, he enlisted for the Austro-Hungarian army, defecting to join Russian positions in May 1915 and playing a significant role in organising the Czechoslovak Legion in Russia; in 1917, he became a member of the Russian branch of the Czechoslovak National Council, co-operating with T G Masaryk during his stay in Russia. In December 1918, he was sent to his homeland with a delegation of legionaries, returning to Siberia in June 1919 with a message from the Czechoslovak government. In May 1920, he returned to Czechoslovakia for good: between 1921 and 1939 he was Executive Secretary of the Czechoslovak Legionaries Community (Československá obec legionářská) and Deputy for the National Social Party at the National Assembly. During the initial period of German occupation, he was involved in setting up the domestic anti-Nazi resistance. He went into exile in autumn 1939, and between 1939 and 1941 was a key figure in the Czechoslovak resistance in exile in Yugoslavia and Palestine, and between 1942 and 1945 in Great Britain, where he was a member of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile, and President of the Union of Czechoslovak Legionaries, the Czechoslovak-British Friendship Club and the Czechoslovak Committee for Slavic Reciprocity in London. In March 1945, he was involved in Moscow discussions on the programme and composition of the first National Front government. From May 1945 to March 1948, he was the Deputy Leader of the Czechoslovak National Social Party where he represented the left-wing (although not pro-communist) faction, building on the party’s authentic traditions. From April to October 1945, he was the Deputy Prime Minister, from October 1945 to June 1946 he was President of the Interim National Assembly, and from July 1946 to June 1948 was President of the Constituent National Assembly. During the events of the communist coup in February 1948, he was blocked from his role by the communist and pro-communist deputy presidents who prevented parliament from convening and David from taking an active role in resolving the political crisis. Following the February coup, he was a joint signatory of the declaration of the action committee of the so-called Revived Czechoslovak Socialist Party, although he shortly thereafter parted ways with its leaders. He came to an agreement with President Beneš to remain as head of the Constituent National Assembly until June 1948, following which he retired from political and public life. He lived on the sidelines in Prague and focused on writing his memoirs. He died on 21 April 1968 in Prague. This study looks at David’s life story, his political activities, opinions and positions in different phases and sagas of Czech history in the first half of the 20th century. It presents him as one of the leaders of the Czech National Socialist movement, bringing together Czech nationalism and democracy with reformed socialism, political representatives of the Czechoslovak Legion in Russia, and later in the homeland, figures in the resistance in exile during the Second World War and leading democratic politicians between 1945 and 1948. David’s biographical overview makes use of his extensive, previously unpublished memoirs, which are considered to be a valuable source for the history of the Czech National Social (socialist) Party, Czechoslovak resistance in exile during the First and Second World Wars and the February 1948 coup d’état.


Marie DOKOUPILOVÁ – Tomáš JELÍNEK
The destruction of the old Jewish cemetery in Prostějov The Jewish community in Prostějov was historically one of the important Jewish communities in Moravia. Until the period of Nazi transports, the Jewish population was an important part of the city's inhabitants. In this article we present a description of events that led to the destruction of the old Jewish cemetery in Prostějov during the Holocaust. We describe the individual efforts of the town of Prostějov to acquire the Jewish cemetery in its possession, when it first attempted to expropriate it after the occupation, in order to buy it from the Immigration Fund for Bohemia and Moravia in Prague in 1943. On the basis of archival research, testimonies of witnesses and fieldwork, we were able to describe the details of the devastation of the cemetery and the use of gravestones for construction purposes during the occupation and after the end of the war. The research also focused on the issue of unsuccessful restitution of the cemetery by the Jewish religious community in Prostějov in the postwar years and its further fate until the cemetery area was declared a cultural monument in 2016. The devastation of the Jewish cemetery in Prostějov against the will of the Jewish religious community Czech lands of things unique. During the Nazi occupation, totalitarian communist regime, but also in the post-war years 1945 to 1948, dozens of Jewish burial grounds were destroyed and destroyed. The case of Prostějov, however, shows in detail that “official argumentation” against Jewish religious traditions has continuously gone through various social arrangements.


Václav VELČOVSKÝ
Josef Kliment’s memoirs as a historical source This article for the first time provides a comprehensive presentation of the memoirs of Josef Kliment, legal historian, employee of the Office of the President of the Republic, and between 1944 and 1945 President of the Supreme Administrative Court, who was given a life sentence by the National Court for his public activities during the period of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. To this day, he is still considered a figure of so-called activist collaboration, due to his development of a construct of pseudohistorical parallels with the Holy Roman Empire. The study begins by outlining the genesis of the memoirs in connection with Kliment’s course of life, then interprets a number of layers of memoirs (historical, historiographical and autobiographical) and in particular focuses on Kliment’s work’s main arguments. These are unique in many regards, and fundamental for today’s interpretation of the Protectorate. Kliment, released on amnesty in 1960, conceived of them as a kind of defence for him. The author of this article is also the editor of his memoirs, to be published by Academia. Kliment develops legal and ethical constructs of a public servant (for) the totalitarian regime, a balancing act between collaboration and resistance, and so-called diplomacy of the weak. He shows a different interpretation of historical facts based not just on what was done or said, but in particular on what did not happen. Kliment himself was involved in Hácha’s trip to Berlin on 14 March 1939, was at the genesis of the National Partnership, planned Hácha’s speeches, was an observer of the first and second declarations of martial law, and more besides. One cannot concur unreservedly with Kliment’s opinion – he represents a purely passive, reactive school which does not recognise “illegal” heroism, but rather puts the condition of legality on such acts under all circumstances. However, totalitarian regimes do not have a legal and legitimate legal basis, and as such Kliment’s opinions may appear overly academic, and his positions may seem rigidly conformist or even cowardly. Nevertheless, Kliment’s memoirs represent a unique work whose publication Czech historiography has been waiting over 40 years for.