Historický ústav akademie věd České republiky, v. v. i.

MODERNÍ DĚJINY
roč. 23, 2015, č. 2



OBSAH • CONTENT


Josef Harna (5. července 1939 Radslavice – 27. června 2015 Praha)
[Josef Harna (5 July 1939 Radslavice – 27 June 2015 Prague]
Redakce a Vědecká rada Moderních dějin
s. 2‒3

Bibliografie Josefa Harny 2010‒2015
[Bibliography of Josef Harna 2010‒2015]
Sestavila Kristina Rexová
s. 4–9


STUDIE • STUDIES

Ladislav FUTTERA
Česká společnost a železnice v 19. století
[Czech society and the railways in the 19th century]
s. 11‒33

Aleš SKŘIVAN, st. – Aleš SKŘIVAN, ml.
Finanční bitva o Peking. Velmoci a půjčky Číně v letech 1895–1898
[Financial Battle for Beijing. The Great Powers and Loans to China 1895–1898]
s. 35–60

Pavel KLADIWA
Národnostní statistika českých zemí 1880‒1921 – faktory, výsledky a problém jejich interpretace
[Nationality statistics in the Bohemian lands 1880‒1921 – factors, results and problems in their interpretation]
s. 61–81

Jaroslav VALKOUN
Konstitucionální postavení dominií v rámci Britského impéria a jejich zájmy na Pařížské mírové konferenci (leden – červen 1919)
[Constitutional status of dominions within the British Empire and their interests at the Paris Peace Conference (January – June 1919)]
s. 83–103


Vojtěch KESSLER ‒ Martin KLEMENT
Vzpomínání turnerů na 4. březen 1919
[The German Gymnastic Association recollections of 4 March 1919]
s. 105‒133

Tereza KRČEK
Spotřeba kakaa, kávy, čaje a čokolády v meziválečném Československu
[The Consumption of Cocoa, Coffee, Tea and Chocolate in the Interwar Period in Czechoslovakia]
s. 135–155

René NOVOTNÝ
Česko-moravská pobočka Hlavního rasového a osídlovacího úřadu SS, 1941‒1945
[The Bohemia & Moravia branch of the SS Race and Settlement Main Office, 1941–1945]
s. 157‒220

Pavel KREISINGER
Jindřich Nermuť (1917–1990). Z životních osudů rolníka, poslance, poúnorového exulanta a „Australana“
[Jindřich Nermuť (1917–1990). The Life and Fate of a farmer, Member of Parliament, post-coup exile and ‘Australian’]
s. 221‒254

Adam HAVLÍK
„Zeppelíny“ sbírali všichni. Hudební burzy v Československu v 70. a 80. letech 20. století
[All seeking Zeppelin. Music markets in Czechoslovakia in the 1970s and 1980s]
s. 255‒282


MATERIÁLY • MATERIALS

Jindřich DEJMEK
K bezprostřední reakci československé diplomacie na sovětskou okupaci v srpnu 1968 (Několik poznámek a nepublikovaných dokumentů)
[On the immediate response of Czechoslovak diplomacy to the Soviet occupation in August 1968 (a few comments and unpublished documents)]
s. 283‒306


KRONIKA • CHRONICLE

Významné životní jubileum prof. PhDr. Miloše Trapla, CSc.
[Birthday celebrations for Prof. PhDr. Miloš Trapl, CSc.]
(Lukáš F. Peluněk)
s. 307‒313

„Přesídlování a vyhlazování obyvatelstva – syndrom moderních dějin“
[„Resettlement and Extermination of the Population – a Syndrome of Modern
History“]
(Emil Voráček)
s. 313‒319

Retribuce – spravedlnost, či odplata? Ohlédnutí za vědeckým seminářem Malá
Skála 2015
[Retribution – justice, or retaliation? Looking back at the Malá Skála 2015
science seminar]
(Blanka Jedličková)
s. 319‒321


RECENZE • REVIEWS

Detlef BRANDES, Germanizovat a vysídlit: nacistická národnostní politika
v českých zemích, Praha, Prostor 2015, 357 s. ISBN 978-80-7260-310-7.
(Martin Dolejský)
s. 323‒324

Jaroslava ROGUĽOVÁ, Slovenská národná strana 1918‒1938, Bratislava,
Kalligram 2013, 348 s. ISBN 978-80-8101-662-2.
(Marek Šmíd)
s. 325‒329

Tomáš ČERNÁK, Husák: Mladé roky Gustáva Husáka 1913–1939, Bratislava,
Marenčin PT 2015, 252 s. 978-80-89218-525-4.
(Alexander Čemez)
s. 329‒331


SUMMARY

Ladislav FUTTERA
Czech society and the railways in the 19th century

This study aims to try to correct the persistent idea that initial mistrust in this new means of transport was soon replaced by general enthusiasm. It certainly cannot be doubted, however, that there was a gradual movement towards the public acceptance of the railways, but the process was much slower and more complicated than is generally thought. While the railway was quick to impress entrepreneurs and intellectuals at both a transregional and local level, the stance of the working classes and the more conservative countryside especially was slower to change. In the 1840s, the rural population perceived the railway as a means serving merely the upper classes of society and of no importance to them (in most smaller villages, there weren’t even any railway stops), with their presence at most complicating their lives, but even by the 1880s the railway was still far from perceived as a means of democratisation in securing population mobility, instead seen as an invader which was a threat to property. It was in the 1880s or the early 1890s at the latest when the railway began to be accepted in an almost unconditionally positive light. During the protracted economic depression which began in 1873, the railway was seen as a means to stimulate local industry, which would lead to growth in the standard of living for all classes in society. As such, over a period of about 50 years, society’s perception of the railways took a somewhat circular course. The myth of the dangerous impacts of this unfamiliar means of transport on the local population was, through rational enlightenment and awareness of the economic benefits of the railway, replaced by another myth: the myth of the power of the railways, whose very presence would secure an almost miraculous blossoming of the economy and standard of living of the whole society. But in the context of the end of the 19th century, these ideas were just as irrational as those which warned of a fall in the birth-rate in regions where railways were laid. Nevertheless, the railway became an essential part of life in Czech society.
Keywords: History, 19th century, Czech lands, industrial revolution, transport, railways


Aleš SKŘIVAN st., Aleš SKŘIVAN ml.
Financial Battle for Beijing. The Great Powers and Loans to China 1895–1898

Prior to 1894, China had fairly little foreign debt, most of which involved smaller loans which were quickly repaid. Its defeat in the war with Japan of 1894‒1895 was not just a military and political one for the ‘Middle Kingdom’, but also a financial catastrophe. Beijing had already been forced to take out loans to pay for the course of war, with Britain’s Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation its principal creditor. The peace terms and subsequent amendments meant that the total Japanese war reparations exceeded £ 54 million, which China was only able to pay through three large loans on the international financial market. Since provision of the loans opened up the opportunity to exert greater political and economic influence over China, a battle developed between two international groupings. On the one hand was a group of a total of four Russian and six French banks, and on the other hand was a syndicate whose members were the Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation, and Germany’s Deutsch-Asiatische Bank. In the first round of the ‘financial battle for Beijing’, the Russo-French group was successful, which to a certain extent meant victory for the so-called peaceful penetration of China promoted by Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergei Yuliewich Witte. Great Britain had been the largest interested party in China over the whole of the 19th century, having massive dominance in terms of trade and transport to the country, and it managed to succeed in the end with regard to the loans, with the British bank involved in the second and third loans. Nevertheless, a number of British weaknesses were expressed in the battle over loan provision. One factor which was undoubtedly detrimental to British foreign policy and British interests in China in the second half of the 1890s was the fact that British policy continued to maintain the principles of so-called ‘splendid isolation’, such that it did not have any ally to support it in the Far East. In this regard, Russia was clearly at an advantage, because its ally France provided it with the necessary support. This was particularly important because the principal players in the battle were the British and Russians, with Germany and France essentially taking on a secondary role. The course and outcome of the competition to provide China with loans in 1895–1898 was very closely connected to the battle of the Great Powers and other countries to define their spheres of influence and acquire concessions, mainly for the construction of important railway lines, telegraph lines and mineral mining, which climaxed at the very end of the 1890s.
Keywords: History, 19th century, China, international loans, Great Powers, economic and political influence


Pavel KLADIWA
Nationality statistics in the Bohemian lands 1880‒1921 – factors, results and problems in their interpretation

Comparing the results of censuses of the language of daily use in the Bohemian lands before the First World War, and nationality after the First World War, has been a subject of scientific and journalistic interest for almost a century. The Czech idea has traditionally stressed that the growth of Czech nationality in the time of the First Republic was, besides demographic trends, above all the result of introducing fairer nationality criteria in comparison to the previous ‘artificial’ category of usual language in censuses. This idea no longer stands up. The idea of nationality as a clearly determinable and natural category which all individuals possess from birth is problematic, and the extent of inherent problems is directly proportional to the level of regional and local multi-ethnicity and indirectly proportional to the level of achieved education. Furthermore, the very term ‘nationality’ is basically just as ambiguous as the term ‘language of daily use’ and always depends on its interpretation – both scientifically and in the legislation accompanying each census. The First Republic concept of nationality was, like the Cisleithanian explanation of language of daily use, a linking of science and politics – it was set up to conform to the state’s interests. Different residential situations (larger representation of mixed language areas), meant that there was a larger fall in German nationality in 1921 compared to German language of daily use in 1910 in Moravia and East Silesia than there was in Bohemia. A number of Moravian and Silesian districts and a number of local villages saw German language of daily use figures remain constant or even grow before the war despite an influx of migrants from Czech-speaking and Polish-speaking areas – the reason for this was the campaigning and direct and indirect pressure of ‘German’ town halls during the census and peoples’ apathy regarding ethnic identification. The language border in Bohemia was much more clearly defined before the war and was only disturbed in a few areas where labour migration had taken place (west and north-west Bohemia). An analysis at a country-wide level shows that the growth in Czech nationality in 1921 on the scale of the whole of the Bohemian lands was above all the result of the new state power and the related change in census criteria, while other factors (adding Jewish nationality, new civil and state legislation, territorial reorganisation) played a small to negligible role, although these could be more clearly reflected in local or regional figures. The somewhat deceptive approach of focusing only on nationwide results and not looking at lower levels is seen in the ignorance of Poles who in overall figures played a negligible role. Knowledge of the census issue in the Těšín and Ostrava districts, however, is important for a full understanding of the fluctuating concept of nationality in the 1921 census between subjective and objective categories, and thus also of the relativisation of the ‘fair’ versus ‘unfair’ concept in comparing Cisleithanian and First Republic censuses.
Keywords: History, 19th and 20th century, Austria-Hungary, Czechoslovakia, the question of nationality, population census, statistics


Jaroslav VALKOUN
Constitutional status of dominions within the British Empire and their interests at the Paris Peace Conference (January – June 1919)

The First World War was a great test of the cohesion of autonomous parts of the British Empire with the mother country. The hardships of war and involvement of the dominions contributed to the fact that ever more British representatives endeavoured to ensure that the dominions began to be regarded at a constitutional level as equal partners who could speak out freely on all issues of post-war arrangements, and not just those immediately affecting them. At the same time, dominion politicians sought to ensure the international community recognised them as separate nations within the British Empire. At the Paris Peace Conference, the dominions annoyed the other countries due to their dual representation not just as members of the British Empire delegation, but also as warring parties with specific interests expressed in particular in regard to the division of the former German colonies in Africa and the Pacific and the related introduction of the mandate system. The status of the dominions at the Paris Peace Conference was also reflected during negotiations on the League of Nations. South Africa’s General Smuts in particular played an important role in establishing this new international organisation which set itself the goal in the post-war period of replacing the Great Powers in policing international law and general peace between the nations. Although there were doubts as to whether the dominions were true states and not mere dependent territories of Great Britain, a compromise formulation meant that in the end all British autonomous units (except for Newfoundland) were included amongst the founding members of the League of Nations. Despite the expectations of dominion representatives, there was no symbolic international recognition of the dominions’ new status; the world continued to regard them as an integral part of the British Empire, i.e. Britain continued to represent them to the outside world in many regards. Not even membership of the League of Nations, which the dominions perceived as a clear equivalent of a confirmation of their new international status, could change the international community’s mind. The course of the conference, however, at least confirmed that the autonomous units of the British Empire could no longer be regarded as mere ‘colonial territory’. The Great War and the Paris negotiations played a role in a joint responsibility for imperial foreign policy being established between the dominions and the mother country, and in the fact that the dominions ‘became’ nations which began over time to strive to get de jure confirmation of their new constitutional position.
Keywords: History, 20th century, British Empire, Commonwealth, Great Britain, dominions, constitutional relations, foreign policy, Paris Peace Conference, Treaty of Versailles, League of Nations


Vojtěch KESSLER ‒ Martin KLEMENT
The German Gymnastic Association recollections of 4 March 1919

The German Gymnastic Association (Deutscher Turnverband, DTV) formed for its members a canonical image of March 4, 1919, consisting of three constant themes. The first theme was time, which put the event into a post-war context but provided a belief in a better future as well. The second was the motive of place, which worked with the dichotomy “hated Czechoslovakian”–“beloved German” borderlands. The third theme concerned actors, fabricating a conflict between the “soldierly Czech” and the “innocent victims of the Sudeten German national community.” The official narrative of the DTV resembled and called to mind a secularized New Testament story, producing considerable hope. The victims would not have died in vain, but rather guaranteed with their bloodshed the resurrection of the great German nation. From the available sources, it is very difficult to draw conclusions about how the image of March 4, 1919 was shaped. In the DTV one can observe an increased interest in the March events between 1925 and 1933, and in the “Arbeitsgemeinschaft” a certain transformation of the narrative took place in the 80s. However, the image of the event was certainly not as static as it appears in the studied journals, and was surely developed even in years when the journals did not mention it. It cannot be exactly determined how the imperative image of March 4, 1919 was received. It seems that for the DTV, the reception was constructed within the leading circles and then distributed with moderate success among the mass of gymnasts by using union periodicals, “dietwart” institutions and festivities. There was apparently no attempt to systematically multiply the image of the March event in the “Arbeitsgemeinschaft”. Instead, by the irregular publishing of articles about March 4, 1919, there was an effort not to create, and in fact to erase, the awareness among aging gymnasts of the injustice of which they were allegedly victims in 1919. The creation, development and reception of the image of March 4, 1919 in the pre-war and post-war “Sudetenland” gymnastic organization are topics that future research may further illuminate.
Keywords: History, 20th century, Czechoslovakia, German Gymnastic Association (Deutscher Turnverband), Arbeitsgemeinschaft sudetendeutscher Turner und Turnerinnen in der Sudetendeutschen Landsmannschaft, Turnzeitung des Deutschen Turnverbandes, memory, perception


Tereza KRČEK
The Consumption of Cocoa, Coffee, Tea and Chocolate in the Interwar Period in Czechoslovakia

Infrastructure improvements and the modernisation of equipment and machinery during the 1920s meant that a larger volume of products could be produced at lower prices. Compared to the end of the 19th century, living conditions for the population improved. Nevertheless, over the whole interwar period, Czechoslovakian villages were insufficiently equipped with stores, and modern goods could not be purchased. The consumption of coffee, tea, cocoa and chocolate underwent major changes within human society from the early 19th century to the early 20th century. These commodities changed from being luxury ingredients to common consumer goods. Subsidiaries of German chocolate and coffee factories operating within the territory of the Czech lands during the Austria-Hungarian era meant that modern production processes penetrated the Czech lands. Modernisation and mechanisation increased production, making products cheaper and thus more accessible such that the population was able to consume them more frequently. Following the end of the First World War, the chocolate industry in the Czech lands developed amongst both those factories which had suspended operations during the war and newly established ones. This expansion of the chocolate industry meant that their products became more common and the consumption of cocoa, coffee and tea was seen even amongst the poorer population. Chocolate products remained luxury goods, subject to a luxury tax. The consumption of coffee in working families was approximately half that amongst white-collar families. Consumption of rye coffee was several times higher, as was the consumption of chicory. Tea consumption was rare, and at the time the public did not particularly seek tea out. Cocoa was used mainly for cooking and baking. Chocolate was consumed mostly by the wealthier segments of the population. For the poor, there was a wide range of substitutes for these ingredients.
Keywords: History, 20th century, chocolate, cocoa, tea, coffee, interwar period in Czechoslovakia, consumption, working class family, black coat family


René NOVOTNÝ
The Bohemia & Moravia branch of the SS Race and Settlement Main Office, 1941–1945

RuSHA’s Bohemia & Moravia branch was a key tool in the Nazis’ Germanisation policy against the Czechs. Its mission originally involved the undertaking of a race survey of Czech children in order to ascertain the proportion of the population who were ‘Germanisable’ in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. The result was to be of key importance for planning the Germanisation of the Czech lands. The branch soon acquired competencies in race selection and as such became an advisory body of the occupational administration in matters of citizenship, mixed marriages, admitting Czech pupils to German schools, acquiring Czech experts for Germanisation, and also anti-Jewish policies. Over the mere four years it operated, the originally small workplace gradually grew into a complex body with an internal structure of many branches. The authority’s activities had to be significantly restricted during the final months of war, with ever more people working with RuSHA leaving for the front. A number of offices were cancelled for personnel and other reasons until by the end of 1944 only six remained. Although racial policy played an important role in ‘solving the Czech issue’, during the war the Czech & Moravian branch was not a priority. Despite all the difficulties, a ‘model workplace’ worked in the Protectorate which was no different from the major RuSHA branch in Łódź. The Czech & Moravian branch was able to check hundreds of thousands of Czechs. Sometimes a negative race diagnosis brought fatal consequences; this applied to Jewish Mischlings (mixed-race citizens), the children of Lidice and Ležáky and Czech men who had had an illicit relationship with a German. Nobody was ever convicted for their part in these crimes. The submitted study is the result of many years of research looking thoroughly at the organisation from inside. The work can thus become the basis for further historical research of Nazi racial policy.
Keywords: History, 20th century, Second World War, German occupation, Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, Nazi Germany’s racial policy


Pavel KREISINGER
Jindřich Nermuť (1917–1990). The Life and Fate of a farmer, Member of Parliament, post-coup exile and ‘Australian’

This study describes two key stages in the life of Czech politician, Jindřich Nermuť (1917–1990). The first section describes his political activities during the era of the so-called Third Czechoslovak Republic (1945–1948), when he held the role of Member of Parliament for the Czechoslovak People’s Party (ČSL). As a far¬mer, he defended the interests of Czech agricultural workers and was one of the most prominent critics of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ). As he found himself targeted by the Communist secret services in 1947 when plans were made for his prosecution, immediately after the Communist coup in February 1948 and after the communists had taken over all power in the country he decided to go into exile. He spent the initial years following his successful escape abroad (1948‒1949) in West Germany and Luxembourg, and was involved in ČSL’s activities in exile (its London congress). He sailed with his whole family to Australia at the end of 1949. The second part of this study looks at Nermut’s activities in Australia, specifically in Tasmania (1950–1990). After opting out of two-year work duties, he settled here and began to farm. This section includes brief information on Czechoslovak expatriates in Tasmania in the first half of the 20th century. The main part of the text looks at Nermut’s activities in exile and expatriate associations in Tasmania. It also looks at the Czechoslovak intelligence services’ persistent interest in him, which reached a peak in 1959. A surveillance file with the codename ‘The Australian’ was opened on him at this time. The objective of the measures undertaken (a number of agents were deployed to his family in Czechoslovakia and his correspondence was also monitored) was to force Nermuť to return to Czechoslovakia where he was to be used as part of counter-propaganda measures. In the end, the surveillance was suspended and Nermuť was able to successfully continue in his exile activities (in 1985 he was involved in restoring the expatriate association). After the Velvet Revolution, he visited Czechoslovakia and planned to return to his home country and re-involve himself in politics here, but was prevented from doing so by his premature death (1990).
Keywords: History, 20th century, Czechoslovakia, Czechoslovak People’s Party, February 1948 coup, exile, Australia, Tasmania


Adam HAVLÍK
All seeking Zeppelin. Music markets in Czechoslovakia in the 1970s and 1980s

This paper discusses the topic of music markets in socialist Czechoslovakia. During the 1970s and 1980s hundreds of young people regularly attended these unofficial music markets in order to obtain precious records of Western rock and pop artists. The first part of the paper focuses on an analysis of the social conditions that determined the existence of the musical markets, particularly the ideological and economic constraints. The consequence of these limitations was that Western popular culture had an ambiguous position in public discourse. These constraints also influenced the options for obtaining Western rock music in everyday life. Among these were the scarce “license records”, radio broadcasts, Tuzex shops, and the smuggling of records across borders. And then there were the music markets. The core subject of this paper lies in the specific milieu of these regular events. The author discusses the organizational principles, variety of available goods, and mechanisms established between the buying, selling and bartering visitors. An equally important issue was the attitude of the state towards these events, which changed over time from repression to partial tolerance. This ambiguity proves that Czechoslovak society in the 1970s and 1980s should not be perceived simply as a dichotomy between the almighty state and the defenseless population, without its own agenda. The historical sources relevant for this paper consist mainly of the memories of people who used to attend the music markets. These sources were obtained by the method of oral history and corroborated with written sources, such as documents of the former Czechoslovak repressive forces.
Keywords: History, 20th century, Czechoslovakia, communist regime, normalisation, black market, music culture, illegal markets


Jindřich DEJMEK
On the immediate response of Czechoslovak diplomacy to the Soviet occupation in August 1968 (a few comments and unpublished documents)

Communist Czechoslovakia’s diplomacy found itself in a completely unfamiliar situation after the invasion of the Warsaw Pact armies on the night of 20/21 August 1968, having to defend the state’s sovereignty against its allies, which the leadership of the governing party and a large section of the public had until then perceived as a guarantee of a certain independence. Any possible action by the Foreign Ministry was complicated by the fact that most of its heads, including the minister and half the deputies, were out of Prague at the time (Foreign Minister Jiří S Hájek was even on holiday in Yugoslavia). Nevertheless, most officials – along with most Czechoslovak ambassadors abroad – loyally carried out the decisions of the state and party leadership which opposed the occupation, thus substantially contributing to the failure of the political scenario for the Soviet invasion which aimed to legitimise the invasion as being apparently requested by the Czechoslovak party leadership. The destruction of the official justification for the invasion from Brezhnev’s USSR leadership was in particular due to appearances by Czechoslovak representatives at the UN, first interim CSSR ambassador at the UN Security Council, J Mužík, and then J Hájek himself, who flew directly to New York from Belgrade. Although Prague, including the President himself, L Svoboda, called upon the minister not to oppose the invasion at the UN, Hájek protested repeatedly against the occupation, endeavouring in so doing to widen the space for Czechoslovak-Soviet negotiations on the withdrawal of the armies and thus, amongst other things, help improve the situation for Czechoslovakia’s senior representatives, headed by A Dubček and O Černík, who had been taken to the USSR. This ‘internationalisation’ of the Czechoslovak question along with other factors, including the opposition of a large number of Western communist parties to the invasion, could have helped ensure a compromise outcome to the crisis. Signature of the Czechoslovak-Soviet ‘Moscow Protocol’ of 26 August 1968 which anticipated the withdrawal of the Czechoslovak issue from the UN and the strengthening of mutual diplomatic collaboration between Moscow and Prague amongst other issues, however, represented the end of active Czechoslovak diplomacy resistance to the occupation. In the subsequent period, Prague’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs was subjected to a purge which affected most of the officials who had opposed the ‘arrival’ of the foreign troops following 20 August.
Keywords: History, 20th century, 1968 Czechoslovak diplomacy, 1968 Prague Spring, Soviet invasion and occupation, United Nations