Historický ústav akademie věd České republiky, v. v. i.

MODERNÍ DĚJINY
roč. 23, 2015, č. 1



OBSAH • CONTENT


STUDIE • STUDIES

Lenka DVOŘÁKOVÁ
Šlechtic a revoluce. Pohled Karla Chotka na revoluční rok 1848
[Nobleman and revolution. Count Karl Chotek’s view of the 1848 Year of Revolution]
s. 1–20

Marie L. NEUDORFLOVÁ
Reflexe anglického a amerického ženského hnutí v českých ženských časopisech do roku 1914
[Considerations of the British and American women’s movement in Czech women’s magazines up to 1914]
s. 21‒39

Josef TOMEŠ
Česká státoprávně pokroková strana za první světové války
[Czech Constitutional Progressive Party during the First World War]
s. 41–88

Pavel MAREK
Zápas o vlastnictví kostelů po vzniku Československa
[The struggle for ownership of church buildings following the founding of Czechoslovakia]
s. 89–126

Kristýna KAUCKÁ
První československá pozemková reforma před Společností národů. Majetkoprávní spory s říšskoněmeckými a maďarskými velkostatkáři
[The First Czechoslovak Land Reform and the League of Nations. Property rights disputes with the German and Hungarian landed gentry]
s. 127–154

Lukáš NOVOTNÝ
Cesta ke vstupu německých ministrů do československé vlády v roce 1926. K problému vnímání německého aktivismu v Československu ze strany rakouského vyslanectví v Praze
[The path to German ministers joining the Czechoslovak government in 1926. On the issue of the perception of German activism in Czechoslovakia from the Austrian legation in Prague]
s. 155‒178

Jana ŠKERLOVÁ
Vztahy k Itálii a Německu jako třecí plochy československo-jugoslávských vztahů v letech 1929–1934
[Relations with Italy and Germany as an area of friction for Czechoslovak-Yugoslav relations between 1929 and 1934]
s. 179–210

Milan HLAVAČKA
Proměny místopisného názvosloví (místních názvů, obcí, ulic, veřejných prostranství měst a pomístních názvů) v českých zemích po roce 1945. Pokus o historický přehled
[Changes in toponyms (local names, villages, streets, public spaces in towns and names of surrounds) in the Czech lands after 1945. An attempt at an historical overview]
s. 211‒240

Petr ŽÁK
Pavel VI. a evropská společenství v letech 1963‒1978
[Paul VI and the European Community between 1963 and 1978]
s. 241‒258


MATERIÁLY • MATERIALS

Ivana BLÁHOVÁ ‒ Daniela NĚMEČKOVÁ
Laický prvek a zákon o zlidovění soudnictví
[Lay participation and the Act on the Popularisation of Justice]
s. 259‒280


KRONIKA • CHRONICLE

Věra Olivová (1926–2015)
(Jindřich Dejmek)
s. 281‒285


RECENZE • REVIEWS

Petr KOKAISL – Amirbek USMANOV, Dějiny Kyrgyzstánu očima pamětníků: 1917‒1938, Praha, Nostalgie 2012, 250 s. ISBN 978-80-905365-3-1.
(Zhyldyz Kaarbaeva)
s. 287‒292

Zdenek V. DAVID, Realism, Tolerance, and Liberalism in the Czech
National Awakening. Legacies of the Bohemian Reformation, Washington, Woodrow Wilson Center Press, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press 2010, 479 s. ISBN 978-0-8018-9546-3.
(Milan Hlavačka)
s. 293‒295

Shatterzones – o specifice první světové války na východě
Jochen BÖHLER ‒ Wlodzimierz BORODZIEJ ‒ Joachim von PUTTKAMER (eds.), Legacies of Violence. Eastern Europe´s First World War. Europas Osten im 20. Jahrhundert. Schriften des Imre Kertész, Kollegs Jena, Volume 3, München, Oldenbourg Verlag 2014, 334 s. ISBN 978-3-486-85758-6.
(Bedřich Loewenstein)
s. 296‒301

Jaroslava HOFFMANNOVÁ, Václav Novotný (1869‒1932). Život a dílo univerzitního profesora českých dějin, Praha, Edice Paměti – Academia 2014, 557 s., 40 s. obr. příl. ISBN 978-80-200-2341-4.
(Marie Neudorflová)
s. 302‒305

Kronika promarněných příležitostí
Igor LUKEŠ, Československo nad propastí: selhání amerických diplomatů a tajných služeb v Praze 1945‒1948, Praha, Prostor 2014, 383 s. ISBN 978-80-7260-292-6.
(Martin Dolejský)
s. 305‒306

Marie BAHENSKÁ – Jana MALÍNSKÁ (eds.), Ženy a politika: (1890‒1938), Praha, Masarykův ústav a Archiv AV ČR, v. v. i. 2014. 362 s. ISBN 978-80-87782-24-8.
(Blanka Jedličková)
s. 306‒309

Završení biografie T. G. Masaryka
Stanislav POLÁK, T. G. Masaryk. Za ideálem a pravdou 7. Osobnost. Praha, Masarykův ústav a Archiv AV ČR, Ústav T. G. Masaryka 2014, 197 s. ISBN 978-80-86142-48-7.
(Jana Burešová)
s. 309‒312


SUMMARY

Lenka DVOŘÁKOVÁ
Nobleman and revolution. Count Karl Chotek’s view of the 1848 Year of Revolution

In the material looked at, Karl Chotek acts as a conservative, an official of the Josephenistic calibre, whose greatest mission was to achieve general welfare for all. He put his own opinions, positions, ideas and feelings into his contributions. In 1848, it had already been five years since he had been relieved of his duties, but he did not avoid social life and regularly spent the winter in the centre of events in Vienna where he could observe the first March revolutionary events and the successes of the revolutionaries which he made careful note of in contrast, e.g., to the deposition of Prince Metternich about which he made no comments. He did not reflect on the April Constitution either, one reason being that at this time he moved to his summer residence in Velké Březno. Further records are thus made from here. To avoid further disturbances on his estate, he released most of his serfs from serfdom and allowed them to pay for the land not over a ten-year, but rather a twenty-year period. Diaries and memorabilia in May reflect the events in Vienna above all, which was in a state of siege with disorder having erupted as a result of the Pillersdorf Constitution, and the Emperor having left. In June, Prague arrived into his field of vision. He declared the Slavic Congress to be foolish, and predicted that radical students in Prague could result in anarchy breaking loose. His perspective then turned back to Western Europe, focusing on events in France, the German lands and the naval blockade. In memorabilia he notes the opening of the Imperial Diet, and issuance of the charter to end serfdom. Over the course of 1848, Chotek regularly considered events mainly in Vienna, but also in Prussia, France, Hungary, Italy and Trieste, somewhat less in Prague, and he was also aware of local events. He kept careful track of political events, although he did not himself get actively involved in politics as he was guided by his loyalty and official honour. He was, however, able to respond flexibly to the new situation as seen in his acts regarding the abolition of serfdom.
Keywords: History, 19th Century, 1848 Revolutions, Czech lands, the nobility


Marie L. NEUDORFLOVÁ
Considerations of the British and American women’s movement in Czech women’s magazines up to 1914

A number of papers looking at specific aspects of the Czech women’s movement touch upon the political dimension of the Czech women’s movement prior to 1914. They do not, however, look in detail at the efforts of Anglo-Saxon women to gain political rights as reflected in Czech women’s magazines which fairly regularly brought reports on the women’s movement abroad, especially in terms of political aspects beginning in the 1890s. With increasing efforts to achieve women’s suffrage abroad, contracts grew up between the Czech movement and those abroad. There was ever more information on the situation in Britain and the USA in particular due to the long tradition of women’s efforts there to achieve their political rights. The reports were not just admiring in nature, but also critical, so the extent of their impact on the Czech movement is hard to determine. What is clear is that information from abroad contributed to a feeling of wider solidarity, leading to perseverance in their endeavours and inspiring the Czech women’s movement. The women’s movement’s endeavours to achieve schooling, changes to the law, health of women, the protection of the mother and child, political education, and women’s dignity and equality were based on real conditions and needs, and they did not rely merely on political means and state institutions, but developed their own admirable initiative. The awareness that the Czech women’s efforts were not isolated from the world strengthened their self-confidence and persistence. As a result of their endeavours, they did not fall behind women’s movements of other nations, and in fact in a number of areas such as education, culture and political education they were amongst the leading movements. This was a very valuable basis for their greater freedoms under the conditions after the foundation of the first Czechoslovakian Republic in 1918, which made women, in particular thanks to T G Masaryk, politically equal to men, including having the right to vote. Respectable numbers were ready for this situation as a result of their many years’ work.
Keywords: History of the 19th and 20th centuries, Czech lands, suffrage, journalism, women’s movement, suffragettes


Josef TOMEŠ
Czech Constitutional Progressive Party during the First World War

The Czech Constitutional Progressive Party was founded in spring 1908 with the merger of two previous radical constitutional parties which had come out of the progressive movement of the 1890s. The programme for the reinstatement of a Czech state on the basis of historical Czech state rights was linked with radical opposition to the government in Vienna and an independent Czech foreign policy assuming an early war in Europe. In May 1914, they openly formulated a Czech political programme in the event of war focused on the international solution to the Czech question with the help of the great powers in an Agreement on an Independent Czech State outside of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Almost all contemporaries were taken unawares by the outbreak of the First World War, including members of the Czech Constitutional Progressive Party which had been expecting a war for a number of years and had linked it to a deciding moment in the history of the struggle for Czech national liberation. And yet suddenly from one day to the next they found themselves face to face with the new war situation, manifesting itself as a de facto military and police dictatorship and previously unknown censorship. The Constitutional Progressives could now enjoy the satisfaction that their regular pre-war calls on the Czech public were not fanciful. The European war, considered generally in the recent past as a fantastical vision, had become a reality. But the question remained as to whether conflagration would bring the desired chance of independence for the Czech national, or whether the final outcome would worsen the nation’s position. The war was not expected to last long, and not even a party whose programme was focused on resistance had any experience of actual acts of resistance. In the spirit of its political traditions, the party was involved in organising domestic and international resistance and was a principal adversary to ‘Pro-Austrian’ activism. In February 1918, it merged with other Czech civic parties striving for an independent Czech state to form the Czech Constitutional Democratic Party. Constitutional Progressive politicians and journalists played a key part in the final, but decisive, phase of the national liberation struggle – both within the new party and independently. It seemed that after the formation of the Czechoslovak state, the mission of the Constitutional Progressive Party had come to a definitive close, but the party’s ideas left an inheritance which was still to be updated in subsequent years in the struggle for the form and nature of the Republic.
Keywords: History of the 20th century, First World War, Austria-Hungary, Czech domestic resistance, Czechoslovak international resistance, formation of Czechoslovakia, Czech Constitutional Progressive Party


Pavel MAREK
The struggle for ownership of church buildings following the founding of Czechoslovakia

The end of the First World War marked the establishment of the Republic of Czechoslovakia as one of the successor states to the now defunct Habsburg Empire and represented a milestone of key importance for the Czech nation in terms of historical developments. The national revolution of 1918 was accompanied by calls of ‘Away from the Habsburgs’, expressing distance from the monarchy and support for Republicanism, but at a symbolic level also rejecting everything that was perceived as a tool, ally or aid to the Habsburgs in ruling the Czech nation. In this context, the motto ‘Away from Rome’ was also formulated, attacking the Catholic Church as a representative of original centralist governance from Vienna. The genesis of the Church and religious crisis was the result of the revolutionary chaos which came with the end of the war and the constitution of the new state. Another product of the post-war religious and Church crisis was the foundation of the Czechoslovak (Hussite) Church on 8 January 1920. This was followed by a period of struggle for the church buildings in the Czech lands between 1920 and 1924 between the Czechoslovak (Hussite) Church and the Roman Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia. During this period, the Czechoslovak (Hussite) Church occupied approximately 141 churches and other buildings in the Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia regions which were owned by the Roman Catholic Church. They used the violence of the post-White Mountain re-Catholicisation to give historic justification to this approach. In a number of areas, this situation led to many conflicts and collisions between believers, such that the army, police and gendarmerie had to restore order. To begin with, representatives of the Roman Catholic hierarchy and the Czechoslovak state were somewhat surprised and disoriented by the situation which had arisen, but from the second half of 1920, the state authorities took up the natural position that applicable laws had to be adhered to, such that in the end the Czechoslovak (Hussite) Church had to return the churches taken to the Roman Catholic Church, and they then began to build their own churches and chapels with financial support from the state and its followers.
Keywords: History of the 20th century, foundation of Czechoslovakia, religious struggles, Roman Catholic Church, Czechoslovak (Hussite) Church


Kristýna KAUCKÁ
The First Czechoslovak Land Reform and the League of Nations. Property rights disputes with the German and Hungarian landed gentry

The submitted study looks at the mixed arbitration tribunals which were set up on the basis of the Treaty of Versailles. The duty of these tribunals was to settle disputes between individual states. The study looks at the Czechoslovak-German Arbitration Tribunal (TAT) and the Czechoslovak-Hungarian Arbitration Tribunal (THT). Internationally, the Czechoslovak government defended their view that the mixed tribunals had insufficient jurisdiction to arbitrate disputes on agrarian reform. Despite the efforts of Czechoslovak diplomacy, these disputes were nevertheless discussed at the tribunals. In most cases, the suits of German landed gentry were solved outside the court. The Czechoslovak and German parties were both willing to come to a compromise settlement. Representatives of the German state pushed the German landed gentry to close so-called General Agreements with the State Land Office so that disputes did not have to be brought before a tribunal. A group was established in Czechoslovakia representing the German minority. This Völkerbundliga submitted a petition to Geneva and undertook a number of personal visits to representatives of the League of Nation’s minorities department. Despite this, they were unable to achieve greater influence, although they laid the ground for the arrival of Sudetendeutschen Partei. Proceedings in front of the Czechoslovak-Hungarian Mixed Tribunal (THT) became more complicated. There were disputes between the Republic of Czechoslovakia and Hungary. Property of the Habsburgs was also dealt with by the tribunal. In this matter, Czechoslovak diplomacy mutually corrected the procedure with the states of the Little Entente.
Keywords: History of the 20th century, Czechoslovakia, land reform, estates, League of Nations, mixed arbitration tribunals, Völkerbundliga


Lukáš NOVOTNÝ
The path to German ministers joining the Czechoslovak government in 1926. On the issue of the perception of German activism in Czechoslovakia from the Austrian legation in Prague

In October 1918, a Czechoslovak state arose on the ashes of Austria-Hungary which declared itself a Republic a month later and on whose territory large numbers of national minorities lived, mainly Germans and Hungarians. Between 1920 and 1925, a single-nation cabinet governed the country in which no minorities were represented. This was, however, an unnatural coalition made up of only Czechoslovak political parties which had to confront various problems which peaked in November 1925 when the second standard parliamentary elections took place and redrew the political map. Czech and German social democrats lost their position, while agrarian and clerical parties were boosted, both Czech and German. For the first time since the state was founded, there was an opportunity to create a coalition with similar political programmes which would also be made up of representatives of national minorities. The path to such a cabinet, however, led through a temporary all-nation coalition and the running of Jan Černý’s second government of technocrats; the so-called ‘noble’ coalition didn’t occur until October 1926, in which Franz Spina (Bund der Landwirte) and Robert Mayr-Harting (Deutsche christlichsoziale Volkspartei) sat. Experienced diplomat, Ferdinand Mark followed the events in Czechoslovakia for the Austrian legation with great attention and carefully analysed the internal political developments in the country from November 1925 to October 1926; in particular noting the positions of the two activist German parties (BdL and DCV), reflecting a movement from rejecting government engagement to direct cabinet participation. In his reports, Mark noted the gradual birth of a civic coalition based on co-operation between right-wing political parties which went beyond national borders. He subsequently welcomed the naming of the new government as a step to calm the political spectrum in the Czechoslovak Republic.
Keywords: History, 20th century, Czechoslovakia, activism, Czech-German relations, Austrian legation in Prague, national minorities


Jana ŠKERLOVÁ
Relations with Italy and Germany as an area of friction for Czechoslovak-Yugoslav relations between 1929 and 1934

Czechoslovakia and the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (from October 1929 the Kingdom of Yugoslavia) were close allies during the interwar period. Both states were parties to the Little Entente, which was meant in a certain degree to co-ordinate and unify their foreign policies and acts on the international stage. Nevertheless, both states found themselves holding a different position on certain foreign policy issues and certain third countries. One reason for this was the fact that besides points of similarity, their foreign policies during the interwar period also had various problems. This applied in particular to relations with neighbouring countries, i.e. in particular Yugoslavia’s relations with Italy and Czechoslovakia’s with Germany. At the end of the 1920s and early 1930s when Yugoslavia was threatened by an aggressive Italian foreign policy, they hoped for Czechoslovakia’s help and support. This they did not receive, because Prague didn’t want to put its good relations with Italy, as one of the major European powers, at risk, not even to help its close ally. Later, during the second half of the 1930s, this disappointment of the Czechoslovaks’ approach was reflected in Yugoslavia’s actions when it was Czechoslovakia which was threatened by Germany. Although at first glance the Czechoslovak-Yugoslav alliance appeared problem-free and firm, the first small and more deep-rooted cracks had already begun appearing in it in the early 1930s. And the problems which were rooted in this period grew massively during the second half of the 1930s and resulted in the collapse of the Little Entente and the bilateral alliance.
Keywords: History, 20th century, Czechoslovakia, Kingdom of Yugoslavia, Italy, Germany, foreign policy relations, interwar period

Milan HLAVAČKA
Changes in toponyms (local names, villages, streets, public spaces in towns and names of surrounds) in the Czech lands after 1945. An attempt at an historical overview

The renaming of local places and surroundings was a process with a number of phases in the Czech lands which began after the end of the First World War. It was completed after the expulsion of the German inhabitants and after the Communists’ February coup d’état. Although the act of renaming toponyms was professionally and legislatively a decentralised process, because it took place with the same timetable and same goal for all three segments of change (local village names, names of streets and squares and names of surrounding features), it has been perceived today and in the past as a single and integrated process. The greatest proportion of toponymic changes to local names in the Czech lands were ‘military’ and ‘scientific’ renaming, which took place during the 1940s and 1950s, first by the Military Geographic Institute, and then by the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences. During the act of renaming local names, it was archivists, historians, geographers, hydrologists and philologists above all who demonstrated how useful they were to the state, and they were indifferent as to whether state power in the country was democratic, partly democratic or totalitarian.
Keywords: History, 20th century, Czechoslovakia, geography, topography


Petr ŽÁK
Paul VI and the European Community between 1963 and 1978

From the 1950s, the Vatican had been one of strongest advocates and promoters of the idea of European integration. Pope Pius XII had been a convinced federalist and supported every pro-European initiative. During John XXIII’s pontificate, the topic of European integration was put temporarily on the back-burner, but under Paul VI it once again became a fairly common topic of the Pope’s speeches. Paul VI built on the traditions of Pius XII and defended a strong European identity, demanded the weakening of state sovereignty and a bolder role for the European Community in development and humanitarian aid, including taking on a peace-keeping role in the world. The Pope’s idea of European integration came out of an environment of Italian Catholic federalism and the strong legacy of Pius XII’s federalist policy. Paul VI supported the boosting of European institutions at the expense of national institutions, and the boosting of the European identity, again at the expense of national identity. In comparison to Pius XII, Paul VI gave new stress to the EC’s external policy (development and humanitarian aid), which arose from the Pope’s activities generally. They both appealed to Europe’s Christian legacy, in particular in terms of Catholicism. Paul VI, however, clearly differed in the concept of European integration as a bastion against the Eastern Bloc. While Pius XII clearly promoted this concept, for Paul VI it was completely absent (probably as a result of his discussions with the Communist states as part of his Ostpolitik strategy). Paul VI instead of this topic promoted the development of Europe as a USA-independent block which could be a source of development, humanitarian and peace-keeping activities throughout the world. Paul VI’s pontificate represents a certain peak in the papacy’s federalist approach to integration. John Paul II took more of an intergovernmental approach stressing nation and state as natural features of human society, while Benedict XVI’s papacy spoke out extremely strongly against European integration on a number of occasions.
Keywords: History, 20th Century, Paul VI, Roman Catholic Church, Vatican, Holy See, European Community, European integration


Ivana BLÁHOVÁ ‒ Daniela NĚMEČKOVÁ
Lay participation and the Act on the Popularisation of Justice

The objective of this paper was to compare the pros and cons of the use of lay people in the judiciary in the post-war period with the period after February 1948. Lay people had been used in the judiciary in the Czech lands since the nineteenth century, although the trend really took off following the liberation of Czechoslovakia in 1945, and further after the communist coup in February 1948. In both retributive justice and justice governed by the Act on the Popularisation of Justice, similar and different features can be found. For retributive justice, lay people were meant especially to be proponents of tough popular justice to enable fast implementation of purges and a return to normal life. In reality, lay people proved to be cool-headed judges, more-or-less moving away from initial tough sentences to fair retribution. If we look at the first court reports from 1949 to 1950, we can come to a similar conclusion: the lay element helped calm disputes and emotions, especially in cases involving marriages. During the period of retribution, the specialist knowledge of people’s judges from various fields was of no, or just very slight, importance (this does not, however, apply in cases of experience of concentration camps); in contrast, the declared advantage of the Act on the Popularisation of Justice was meant to be the application of the life experiences of judges from the people. There were also some similarities between people’s judges in the post-war and post-February coup period. They shared the feature of having insufficient legal knowledge and insufficient ability to understand formal legal procedures. In the extraordinary people’s judiciary, the people’s judges often incorrectly voted against the Chairman of the Senate, and similar to after the popularisation of justice were unable to understand some more complex facts of cases. Over the years, the influence of the lay judges was restricted, and the institute of the single judge was implemented within Czechoslovak law through Act no. 36/1964 Coll. on the Organisation of Courts and Election of Judges as revised by Act no. 156/1969 Coll. After the Velvet Revolution in November 1989, the institute of the lay judge was enshrined through Act no. 335/1991 Coll. on Courts and Judges, which remains in Czech law today.
Keywords: History, 20th century, Czechoslovakia, law, justice, the People’s judiciary