Historický ústav akademie věd České republiky, v. v. i.

MODERNÍ DĚJINY
roč. 22, 2014, č. 1



OBSAH • CONTENT


STUDIE • STUDIES


Petr PROKŠ
100. výročí vypuknutí „První světové války“
[100th Anniversary of the Outbreak of World War I]
s. 1–6

Pavel KLADIWA
Etnická klasifikace a institucionální zakotvení národnosti v českých zemích 1880–1914
[Ethnic Classification and Institutional Position of Nationalities in the Bohemian Lands 1880–1914]
s. 7–33

Josef TOMEŠ
Česká strana státoprávně pokroková v předvečer první světové války na jaře 1914
[Czech Constitutional Progressive Party on the Eve of World War I in Spring 1914]
s. 35–64

Petr PROKŠ
Rumunsko na rozcestí. Mezinárodní příčiny přechodu Rumunska na stranu Dohody za „Velké války“ (červenec 1914 –  srpen 1916)
[Romania at the Crossroads. International Reasons of Romania’s Joining the Entente during the “Great War” (July 1914 – August 1916)]
s. 65–105

Ferdinand VRÁBEL
Občianska vojna na Urale a československé vojsko v Rusku – nové ruské pohľady a hodnotenia
[The Civil War in the Urals and the Czechoslovak Corps in Russia: New Russian Views and Conclusions]
s. 107–123

Marek RŮŽIČKA
Spor (nejen) o Invalidovnu za první ČSR (1918–1938)
[A Dispute (not only) over Invalidovna Building during the First Czechoslovak Republic (1918–1938)]
s. 125–144

Michal HRIB – Josef HARNA
Lesy a lesní politika v zákonech k první pozemkové reformě v meziválečném Československu
[Forests and Forest-related Policy in the Laws on the First Czechoslovak Land Reform between the Two World Wars]
s. 145–171

Blanka JEDLIČKOVÁ
Z republiky do protektorátu. Přehled a charakteristika dosavadní produkce k  postavení ženy ve společnosti na sklonku první republiky a v protektorátu
[From the Republic to the Protectorate. A Review and Characteristics of the Existing Production Dealing with the Position of Women  in Society at the End of the First Czechoslovak Republic and at the Protectorate]
s. 173–201

Peter ŠVÍK
K činnosti a aktivitám Stredo- a východoevropského výboru pri Európskom hnutiu v rokoch 1948–1953
[On the Activities of the Central and Eastern European Commission of the European Movement in 1948–1953]
s. 203–223

Radmila ŠVAŘÍČKOVÁ SLABÁKOVÁ
Narativní vzorce ve vyprávění šlechty z Čech a Moravy o druhé světové válce a nacismu
[Narrative Patterns in the Bohemian and Moravian Nobility’s Memories of the Second World War and the Nazi Era]
s. 225–239

Roman HOLEC
Pamäť šľachty na Slovensku vo  vzťahu k totalitným režimom 20. storočia na príklade rodu Csáky
[Memories of Slovakia’s Nobility in Relation to the 20th Century Totalitarian Regimes Illustrated on the Case of Csáky Family]
s. 241–256

Dita JELÍNKOVÁ
Politika, každodennost a paměť. Reflexe „světem otřásajících událostí“ v egodokumentech rodu Kálnoky
[Politics, Everyday Reality and Memory. Reflection of the “World Shaking Events” in the Ego Documents of Kálnoky family]
s. 257–297

Robert KVAČEK
Závěrečné slovo. Shrnutí průběhu a výsledků vědecké konference „Okupací nezlomeni“. K 75. výročí 15. března 1939
[Closing Word Summarizing the Proceedings and Results of the Scientific Conference “Unbroken by the Occupation” Marking the 75th Anniversary of the 15th March 1939]
s. 299–304


MATERIÁLY • MATERIALS

Jan KUKLÍK – Jan NĚMEČEK
Britové a atentát na Heydricha. I. Politické aspekty
[The British and the Assassination of Heydrich. I. Political Aspects]
s. 305–330


KRONIKA • CHRONICLE

The Munich Conference – the Path towards the Destructuring of Democracy in Europe
(Emil Voráček)
s. 331–332

Dvacet let práce Česko-slovenské komise historiků
[Twenty Years of Work of the Czech-Slovak Commission of Historians]
(Josef Harna)
s. 332–335

Židé ve Slovenském národním povstání / Židia v Slovenskom národnom povstaní
[Jews in the Slovak National Uprising]
(Emil Voráček)
s. 336–337


RECENZE • REVIEWS

Zdeněk FIŠER (ed.), František Skopalík. Život a dílo v dokumentech I.,
Brno, Matice moravská 2011, 470 s. ISBN 80-86488-89-9
(Josef Harna)
s. 339–340

Eva BROKLOVÁ – Vlasta QUAGLIATOVÁ (eds.), Korespondence T. G.
Masaryk – Antonín Švehla, Praha, Masarykův ústav a Archiv AV ČR, v.v.i. 2012, 202 s. ISBN 978-80-86142-44-9
(Petr Prokš)
s. 341–342


SUMMARY

Petr PROKŠ
100th Anniversary of the Outbreak of World War I

This year we mark a centenary of the outbreak of the First World War, or the “Great War” as it was initially referred to. It was the worst military conflict that human civilization had ever witnessed. It also constituted a dramatic milestone in modern history as the previous development trends that had culminated and the problems that had accumulated in the world exploded in the conflict. The apocalyptic war triggered additional revolutionary changes in human civilization that marked the history of the whole 20th century so strongly that even now we have to cope with their consequences. These included a “latent” and therefore insufficiently comprehended contradiction between the already beginning “globalization” of the world and the unambiguous “state-nationalistic” policy of particular powers trying to solve the growing problems in favor of a grouping of several powers at the expense of their enemies. The present volume of the journal Moderní dějiny is dedicated to the above anniversary, but its contents are not monothematic. The editors endeavored to present a broader historical, civilization-related view of the First World War and its consequences. Therefore, the particular studies deal with such questions as solution to nationalist problems, Czechoslovak legions in Russia, wartime diplomacy, social conditions in the Bohemian Lands and the resistance in World War II, and activities of the “third” foreign resistance movement during the Cold War. A specific part deals with the radical changes in the position of nobility in society, which had been considered an elite social group prior to the war, but which had to cope after the war with the strong democratization of social conditions and with the pressure of the two totalitarian regimes, fascist and communist. All the topics discussed here are related to the causes, the course of events and the consequences of the First World War, and the Editors therefore hope that the readers will kindly approve of this specific approach to the present volume of Moderní dějiny.


Pavel KLADIWA
Ethnic Classification and Institutional Position of Nationalities in the Bohemian Lands 1880–1914

The ethnic (nationalist) classification and institutional position of natio-nalities in Cisleithania strongly reflected also the state’s interest. The state authorities had to take into consideration, in particular, the trends of social and political development, such as the rising significance of national identity and the inter¬connection of national and civil rights. It should be noted that in Cisleithania most of the populations of different nationality enjoyed favorable conditions to develop their national life, although the representatives of political opposition and, in particular, the nationalist agitators were denying it. National identification already played some role in the life of common people (unlike the previous period of time), but we mostly tend to overestimate that trend which was largely influenced by contemporary journalism and literature and which often expressed rather a desired goal than the real situation. Most parts of society, namely the lower classes, were concerned in their everyday life rather with the social question, which only partly overlapped with the nationalist problem. The level of nationalist policy in Cisleithania was quite satisfactory. The state authorities recognized the national principle and set rules of coexistence for the nationalities. The main motive of the Taaffe Government’s decision to include the questionable category of communication language instead of the mother tongue or family language in the 1880 census consisted in the legal possibility of assimilation, i.e., preventing a na¬tionality closure and, last but not least, protecting the integrity of the state. The nationalist principle did not constitute the main pillar of the constitutional system in the state. Taaffe’s decision reflected the state interest which required some balance. The lower demographic growth of Germans compared to the Czechs was mostly set off by the assimilation potential of Sudetengerman industrial regions. The method of ethnic classification apparently supported this assimilation. Its weakest point consisted in not being able to prevent forced indication of German communication langue or using tricks as the local self-governments were entrusted with the census counting operations. The whole period of 1880–1914 demonstrated the significance of independent judicial power.  The Administrative Court and the Imperial Court of Cisleithania played an important role in establishing the nationalist principle in public life where the nationalist and the civil principles intertwined.
Keywords: History, 19th and 20th century, Austria-Hungary, Cisleithania, Bohemian Lands, nationalist question, census


Josef TOMEŠ
Czech Constitutional Progressive Party on the Eve of World War I in Spring 1914

The political activities of the Czech Constitutional Progressive Party, largely differing from the major part of the Czech political arena, in the last months before the outbreak of World War I are explained. A description of the Party’s general profile, which continued the tradition of Czech progressionist movement of the 1890s and constituted a specific platform of modern Czech nationalism, is followed by an explanation of the Party’s foreign political ideas expecting a global Paneuropean military conflict in the near future and relying on it as a way to solve the Czech question, i.e., to restore an independent Czech state based on the Czech historical constitutional right. The author shows how this orientation manifested itself in particular steps taken by representatives and press speakers of the Party already in the period of increased international tension during the Bosnian Crisis at the turn of 1908 and during the Balkan Wars in 1912–1913, and then culminated in spring 1914 both in the public forum and in the behind-the-scene and even illegal activities. The propaganda campaign on the pages of the Party’s daily Samostatnost (Independence) in spring 1914 is discussed as well as, in particular, the articles by Dr. Lev Borský, the Party’s foreign political expert, pointing to the forthcoming  Paneuropean military “conflagration” and calling upon the Czech politicians to get prepared for it in view of the Czech national interests. The secret talks of some Party leaders with the Russian consul in Prague V. G. Zhukovsky on Czech-Russian conspiratorial cooperation in organizing the resistance movement after the expected outbreak of war are described. Finally, the proceedings of an extraordinary Party Congress dealing with the worsening international situation and held on 16 and 17 May 1914 are discussed, as well as the story of the declaration approved by the Congress and immediately translated into Russian and French (Declaration of the Congress of Constitutional Progressive Party Representatives, later known as the Manifesto on Europe) addressing the local and foreign public and demanding in case of war a total separation of the national policy from Austria-Hungary and the Czech question to be resolved at an international forum under the supervision of the Entente Powers. In its final part the study points to the minimum reflection of the war danger in the local Czech political arena and stresses the specific role of the Constitutional Progressive Party, the only one of the Czech political parties at that time that anticipated a program of anti-Austrian resistance movement in World War I and actually suggested an independent Czech state standing outside the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. In an attachment, the Czech text of the 1914 Party Congress Declaration is in extensor published.
Keywords: History, 20th century, Czech policy, Constitutional Progressive Party, World War I, Czechoslovak resistance movement 1914–1918


Petr PROKŠ
Romania at the Crossroads. International Reasons of Romania’s Joining the Entente during the “Great War” (July 1914 – August 1916)

Romania restored its independence after getting rid of the Ottoman domination in the course of the 19th century. Then, it endeavored to regain its “historical” territories, namely Siebenbürgen, Bukovina, the Banat, Dobrudja, and Bessarabia. Romania was also an important Balkan state with a strategic position on the Black Sea coast. Therefore, some “traditional” powers were trying to enter into an alliance with that country. One of those powers was also the tsarist Russia, which was luring Romania hoping to create, together with Bulgaria, an alliance of friendly countries in the southeastern Balkans and on the northwestern Black Sea coast against the Ottoman Empire. The plan failed for the time being as Bucharest preferred Vienna and Berlin by signing a secret alliance treaty with Austria-Hungary in 1883 under the patronage of Germany. Romania had also long-dragging disputes over Dobrudja with Bulgaria, its neighbor, which made any alliance of the two countries impossible, be it under Petersburg’s, Berlin’s or Vienna’s patronage. Following the Balkan Wars 1912–1913 Romania eventually acquired southern Dobrudja at the expense of Bulgaria. Owing to this the country territorially expanded; however, like the other Balkan countries, it was economically and financially ruined. Bucharest could rely to some extent on diplomatic support of Vienna and Berlin. Even then, Romania hoped to further expand. During the formation of international relations in Europe and the creation of allied coalitions the country took up a rather neutral position; nevertheless, particularly after the attachment of Siebenbürgen, it was believed that its ambitions might eventually be satisfied in the Entente camp as an opponent of Austria-Hungary. When the First World War broke out Romania remained neutral and its diplomacy closely collaborated with the neutral Italy. Both belligerent blocs were trying to lure Romania; this, however, demanded a satisfaction of its territorial claims. The situation changed dramatically when Turkey, followed by Bulgaria, entered the war on the side of the Central Powers. Romania felt threatened and isolated by these steps, and therefore joined the Entente camp in August 1916 against a promise of territorial acquisitions to the detriment of Austria-Hungary.
Keywords: History, 20th century, First World War, the Balkans, Romania, diplomacy, international relations


Ferdinand VRÁBEL
The Civil War in the Urals and the Czechoslovak Corps in Russia: New Russian Views and Conclusions

The present study provides a review of recent Russian historiographic research and, with the support of several examples, shows that a part of current Russian researchers change their views of the Russian Civil War and of the role of the Czechoslovak Army Corps in Russia in 1917–1920. This is also due to the social and political changes that have taken place in Russia after the disintegration of the Soviet Union. The historians got rid of the ideological Party pressure and the previously inaccessible archival funds and prohibited literature were made available to them. As a result, three conferences have been held in the last four years in Perm and in Kungur in the Urals to discuss the Civil War events in that region and the role of Czechoslovak legions there. In 1917–1922 the Russians and their neighbors experienced a very painful period of their history – the Civil War. This conflict in Russia had also some impact on the Czechoslovak Army Corps that got trapped in that country in the years 1917–1920 when the Bolsheviks had signed a peace treaty with the Central Powers. Previous historiography of the Soviet era in Russia and that of the socialist era in Czechoslovakia considered those events from the class- and party-based point of view, and Czechoslovak historians, under the pressure of Communist ideology and censorship reproduced the views of Bolshevist leaders, namely V. I. Lenin. Since 1990 new approaches to this period of Russian and our history have appeared. Confidential materials stored in archives as well as prohibited literature and journals have become available to the public and their study provides a better balanced view of the Civil War in Russia. A great contribution to both Czech and Slovak historiography is the large work done by Russian scientists who study the relevant archival materials and present the results of their work at conferences devoted to the First World War and/or the Civil War in Russia. Owing to several scientific institutions in the Perm Region a number of scientific conferences and exhibitions devoted to the Civil War in the Urals have been organized and the very first Civil War Museum has been opened in the village of Kyn containing an exhibition devoted to the Czechoslovak legions. The recent works of Russian historians on that very painful period make the results of their research available also to the Czech and Slovak historians interested in that important topic.
Keywords: History, 20th century, politics, Communist movement, People’s Front, people’s democracy, Soviet Union, Central and Southeastern Europe


Marek RŮŽIČKA
A Dispute (not only) over Invalidovna Building during the First Czechoslovak Republic (1918–1938)

A huge baroque building constructed by the architect Kilian Ignaz Dientzen-hofer and known as Invalidovna House stands in Prague’s Karlín District. Many people disabled in different wars waged by the Habsburg Monarchy were accommodated there, often with their families. An important change occurred after the end of World War I as wounded soldiers were returning from the war fronts. The building was not only used to provide accommodation to war invalids, but it also housed a number of state organizations and voluntary associations caring for them. As a result, the space available for the initial purpose, i.e., accommodation of war disabled people was shrinking. They were therefore concentrated in one floor and then, in the 1930s, a new house was constructed for them in Hořice under the Giant Mountains and all the war invalids finally moved there. The whole story was quite dramatic and there was also a political background of it. The core of the problem was not Invalidovna House itself, but also the whole security system for war invalids. There were two parallel structures caring for the war invalids, independent of each other. The first system was managed by the Ministry of National Defense, focusing on war invalids; the other one, organized by the Ministry of Social Care, cared for civil disabled people. There were a number of differences between the two groups both in the level of their pensions and in the level of medical care and unemployment benefits. The dispute over Invalidovna was not a mere dispute over one building in Prague. The core of the affair consisted in the organization of security system for war invalids aimed at integrating those people in the healthy part of society and enabling them to participate in active economic life. Jewish emigration from the Second Czechoslovak Republic (October 1938 – March 1939)
Keywords: 20th century, history, First World War, Czechoslovakia, war invalids, health and social care


Michal HRIB – Josef HARNA
Forests and Forest-related Policy in the Laws on the First Czechoslovak Land Reform between the Two World Wars

Forests constituted in the First Czechoslovak Republic a major part of the natural resources available in the new state. It was therefore desirable to make the care of their healthy development and their balanced exploitation a matter of public interest. Forestry was mostly in the hands of the aristocratic owners of large estates. As there was no devastation of forest cultures, there was actually no danger in delay; hence, there was no reason for the state to take any immediate action.  In spite of this, forests became immediately after the revolution one of the hottest topics of that time as they constituted an integral part of the first land reform, a challenge to the state policy for a number of years after 1918. Although the new state, Czechoslovakia, ranked among the mid-advanced industrial countries, agriculture was still a very important part of its economy. 44.3% of the active population worked in that sector, while 31.2 % in industry and only 9 % in trade and transport. Of the total area of 7,449,682 ha of agricultural land only 6.5 % belonged to 70.7 % of land owners (farms of up to 2 ha of land), whereas on the opposite side of the property spectrum 236 latifundists (0.02 % of land holders) owned 27.7 % of the land. In addition, there were large disproportions also in other categories of land property. Quite weak was particularly the group of small farmers with 2 to 10 ha of land, while it was this segment that constituted the core of country population. The proportion of large estates was even higher in Slovakia. After the completion of all property transfers the company State Forests and Estates held a total of 1,156,211 ha of all landed property, out of which 968,314 ha was forest land. A number of properties were excluded from confiscation and remained part of the original private estates, while some were not expropriated because the land reform had already finished in 1935 without having achieved the initial goals. A positive fact was that most of the confiscated property remained in the hands of the state. A company named State Forests and Estates with good management was established and entrusted with its care. The company had very good organization rules guaranteeing profitability of the forest properties and respect for the non-economic, social function of forests.
Keywords: History, 20th century, Czechoslovakia, land reform, forests and forestry


Blanka JEDLIČKOVÁ
From the Republic to the Protectorate. A Review and Characte¬ristics of the Existing Production Dealing with the Position of Women in Society at the End of the First Czechoslovak Republic and at the Protectorate

The war necessarily brought about transformations of the position of women in society both at the official and unofficial level. On the one hand, women were expected to concentrate on their age-long role of motherhood; on the other hand, however, they constituted an important part of labor force in Nazi ideology. This was required by the then totalitarian regime in society. However, the ideal woman still differed from the woman’s role thus defined. In addition to her role as mother and labor force woman had to manage the rationing-dependent household, alter old dresses and clothing and make them look like new, and get anything that was normally impossible to obtain. At the same time, she was supposed to be elegant, athletic, and well-looking. Such models were then available not only in the movies shown at that time, but also on the pages of Protectorate periodicals. We can say in general that the women in Protectorate society did very little to improve their position as compared to that of man. They had no time or tools, and did not feel like doing this. If put into context of the period of interwar Czechoslovakia, which is viewed by the historian Pavla Horská as a “golden age of feminism in Bohemia”, we arrive at the conclusion that the Second World War had little impact on the emancipation efforts of women in the country; in fact, it was rather stifling them. We can even tend to believe that the further “struggle” of women started as late as 1950s and 1960s. Still, however, the position of women in society did change during the Second World War in a natural way by adapting to the existing situation. A question is often asked how the position of women during the Second World War was reflected in their postwar position and if irreversible changes had taken place at that level. The question should be formulated in a different way. There is no doubt whatsoever that transformations had taken place. Let us not ask whether these changes were irreversible, but whether the postwar society really wished to return. Women constituted a very important part of the labor force expected to help with the postwar economic recovery, which applies not only to the period of 1945–1948, but primarily to the subsequent period during which the position of women changed dramatically.
Keywords: History, 20th century, Czechoslovakia, Second World War, Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, social conditions, position of women


Peter ŠVÍK
On the Activities of the Central and Eastern European Commission of the European Movement in 1948–1953

Plans and concepts of integrating Central and Eastern European countries were developed by the exile circles in the Western countries after 1945. A striking point here is that these plans, in most cases, did not originate from the respective national exile groups, but were rather a result of interplay between them. Furthermore, the mutual interchange had to be often managed from without by the “unbiased” mediators. These used to be sympathetic Western politicians, political entrepreneurs or donors. At the end of 1940s and in the early 1950s, the Central and Eastern European Commission of the European Movement was one of the most important platforms for such an interaction. These included, in particular, the European League for Economic Cooperation/Ligue européenne de cooperation économique, some movements associating sympathizers of European Federal Union based on political parties (Socialist Movement for the United States of Europe/Mouvement socialiste pour les Etats-Unis d’Europe, Christian democratic „Nouvelles équipes internationales“, and Liberal Movement for a United Europe/Mouvement libéral pour l’Europe unie) as well as, in addition, the Union of European Federalists/Union européenne des fédéralistes associating all federalist movements and groups in Europe and the European Parliamentary Union/Union parlementaire européenne initiated by Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi and constituting an umbrella of all pro-federalist parliamentary groups across Europe. The six transnational associations were joined by the British United Europe Movement and the Conseil français pour l’Europe unie. The declaration entitled “Basis for an Eastern European Policy“ was conceived between December 1949 and May 1950 and officially published on Monday 29 May, 1950. In addition to the introduction and the closing summary of main topics in twenty points it is divided in four parts. The first one is a political program according to which a “New Europe” in Central and Eastern Europe was supposed to be based on four foundations, namely: national independence, freedom of individual, right of association, and right to adequate social security. The project eventually failed, and so did also an attempt of its relaunching between 1956 and 1963.
Keywords: History, 20th century, Cold War, Central and Eastern European Commission of the European Movement – institutional linkages and composition – integration plans for Central and Eastern Europe


Radmila ŠVAŘÍČKOVÁ SLABÁKOVÁ
Narrative Patterns in the Bohemian and Moravian Nobility’s Memories of the Second World War and the Nazi Era

Based on twenty interviews with the representatives of a specific memory group, Bohemia’s and Moravia’s nobility, their memories of the period of World War II and the Nazi era are described. The author shows that a remembrance is not only a mere expression of personal experiences, as often believed in oral history, but that it constitutes a complicated fabric in which individual memory, often unconsciously, is subject to the current predominant cultural scripts. Hence, the memories of nobles exhibit some identical narrative patterns, typical of the nobility of Bohemia and Moravia as a social group, mostly irrespective of their nationality. These patterns correspond in many aspects to the types that have been recently established by a team of German research workers headed by H. Welzer: unlike the intergeneration memories of the Germans, narrative patterns of distance and justification prevail in the memories of the sample of nobility studied, whereas those of injustice and heroism were found in the memories of nobles who had been expelled from the country after the war or who are still suspected of tending to Germanness. Important parts of the narrations related to that period of time are borrowings from films and/or other sources; these are, however, believed by the narrators to be authentic.
Keywords: History, 20th century, Bohemia, Moravia, nobility, memories, historical sources


Roman HOLEC
Memories of Slovakia’s Nobility in Relation to the 20th Century Totalitarian Regimes Illustrated on the Case of Csáky Family

Aristocratism and nobility were foreign elements in Slovakia. Unlike Moravia and Bohemia the nobles in Slovakia were of non-Slovakian origin and they either professed cosmopolitan principles, with the language constituting no identity-forming factor, or they belonged to the German or – primarily – Hungarian ethnicity. The disintegration of Hungary and the creation of Czechoslovakia was a shock to the members of nobility from which they actually did not recover. They either joined the irredentist movement, or emigrated, mostly to Hungary, where aristocratism constituted a natural part of social life. Both groups followed a common goal as irredentism was the most promising way to get back their unsafe or lost property in Slovakia´s territory. Also the nobles who remained in Slovakia were more or less hostile towards the Czechoslovak Republic, but they behaved in a double way: either they joined the political life of German or Hungarian minority showing a very reserved attitude to the new state, or they “socially closed themselves” trying to create and live in “a glass world” of their own in the Weberian way ignoring the republican reality. The situation changed after the Vienna Arbitration. The properties of nobility either reappeared in the Hungarian territory and thus there was a real chance of restituting them, or the nobility, both passive and politically active, that remained in Slovakia became more self-confident, sniffing out new chances. However, the escalation of war and the increasing involvement of both regimes in it put into question all the achievements that the nobility had enjoyed until that time. All members of the Csáky family followed in the study closed their life story abroad. Confrontation with the totalitarian regime, mainly the Communist one, not only bereaved them of their property, but they were criminalized and plunged into permanent poverty. Their human dignity was often trampled, but they did not give up the values that their family had defended for centuries. The Csákys have remained engraved in historical memory and their family could survive all the totalitarian regimes in the 20th century.
Keywords: History, 20th century, Austria-Hungary, Czechoslovakia, aristocracy, Csáky, memories, daily newspapers


Dita JELÍNKOVÁ
Politics, Everyday Reality and Memory. Reflection of the “World Shaking Events” in the Ego Documents of Kálnoky family

To understand the inner life and motivation of nobility members personal documents written by the nobles, such as their correspondence or diaries available in Czech archives, are of utmost importance. Irrespective of their undisputable contribution to the research into the 20th century history of nobility such sources have been almost fully neglected by researchers. This particularly applies to the nobility diaries, in spite of the fact that Czech historiography had recognized the noble’s personal diary as an important source of historical information as early as the 1990s. Ego documents from the Kálnoky Family Archive largely extend our knowledge of how the nobility viewed the revolutionary events following the disintegration of Austria-Hungary and help us understand the motivation of their attitudes and behavior patterns in the first half of the 20th century. They also provide evidence of some disorientation of Marie Theresie Kálnoky in the modern era. Marie Theresie had never internally accepted the new situation following the disintegration of Austria-Hungary; hence, her social and psychical adaptation to her new position in society was questionable and insufficient. Her ability to adapt herself failed, the reason being probably the unsatisfied expectations in connection with the First World War, the belief of her social exclusivity that she was deprived of by the new state and that she did not intend to give up, and the unreal hope of a restoration of the Habsburgs in Austria and Hungary. She did not acquiesce in the position of “citizen” in the liberal democratic Czechoslovak Republic between the two world wars or in the loss of a large part of her property within the first land reform. All these losses and disappointments reminded her incessantly of what she once had been. The hope that the situation might change to her favor prevented her from adaptation. She permanently lived in a “world of the past” hoping at the bottom of her heart that the past world would return; this, naturally, did not happen.
Keywords: History, 20th century, Austria-Hungary, Czechoslovakia, aristocracy, Kálnoky, memories, daily newspapers


Robert KVAČEK
Closing Word Summarizing the Proceedings and Results of the Scientific Conference “Unbroken by the Occupation” Marking the 75th Anniversary of the 15th March 1939

This year we mark a centenary of the outbreak of World War I. This event is closely related to our topic: the beginning of German occupation of the Bohemian Lands in March 1939. To follow the genesis of this relation we must go back to the Frankfurt Vorparlament in 1848. That institution was seeking an answer to the question what would a unified Germany look like, whether it would be “Big” or “Small”. The first idea of German Central Europe appeared in the notion of Mitteleuropa. The Germans, as the authors of the idea believed and propagated, were entitled to the leading role in that area owing to their civilization, cultural and economic maturity. Such a large, Central-Europe-wide Germany was also the aim of the Sudetengerman nationalists and their conflict with the Czech policy in Austria was thus motivated more geopolitically than just as a “mere” ethnic conflict. Mitteleuropa constituted Germany’s main war goal in the First World War, as proved by Prof. Fritz Fischer in his huge work that German historians, particularly those of older generation, initially opposed, and even hated. The occupation of Bohemian Lands by Germany in March 1939 constituted one of the new chapters of the Mitteleuropa Project adopted and implemented by the Nazis. It was supposed to be extended and include all New Europe controlled by them. Its historical genesis must not fall into oblivion, as without it an important part of explanation of the causes, sense and events of the 15 March 1939 would be missing. Contemporaries can feel it, historians should identify it.


Jan KUKLÍK – Jan NĚMEČEK
The British and the Assassination of Heydrich. I. Political Aspects

The material study containing a small edition of documents refers to the topic that still keeps provoking debates among the professional and general public. It deals with the assassination of Heydrich and tries to analyze its significance for the Czech-British relations both from the political viewpoint. The assassination is put into a broader context of the SOE’s view of Czechoslovakia and its significance for British diplomacy. In the following part the authors polemize against the frequent interpretation available in Czech periodicals believing that it was the assassination and the subsequent repressions that made the British revoke the Munich Agreement. In the closing part some less known documents to repudiation of “Munich”.