Historický ústav akademie věd České republiky, v. v. i.

ročník 118
č. 2/2020

s. 291–592


Verifikace voleb v počátcích moderního parlamentarismu: Rakouské císařství 1848–1849 … s. 297
(The Verification of Elections at the Beginnings of Modern Parliamentarism: The Austrian Empire 1848–1849)

The beginnings of modern parliamentarism in the Austrian Empire are connected with the events of 1848 and with the implementation of constitutional-legal norms influenced by the principles of liberalism and representative democracy. The legitimacy of the regime should no longer be based solely on the monarchist tradition, but should also be based on the consent of the citizen. In addition to the will of the monarch, who had so far ruled exclusively by the grace of God, the will of the ruled, expressed through the act of free election of parliamentary representatives, has also been newly exercised. However, the authenticity of the “revealed” collective will was undermined by the technical shortcomings of the electoral system, but especially by the efforts of competing actors and their supporters to interfere illegitimately in the electoral process, whether through corrupt practices, frauds or various forms of electoral violence. One of the instruments for purging the parliamentary body of illegitimately acquired parliamentary mandates, the duration of which could disrupt the legitimacy of the entire body and thus jeopardize the authority of state power, became the verification process taking place in parliament. The study examines the spectrum of electoral manipulations employed in the first parliamentary elections in the Austrian Empire and at the same time the form and practice of their verification in the beginnings of parliamentarism using examples of the Imperial Diet in Vienna and the Moravian Land Diet in Brno.

Keywords: Democracy – Parliamentarism – Legitimacy – Elections – Fraud – Violence – Verification – Austrian Empire

The study maps the spectrum of illegitimate instruments used by Political actors in the effort to influence election results in the early days of parliamentarism in the Austrian Empire and also analyses the introduction and genesis of a verification process aimed at penalizing these instruments, annulling elected results and thus strengthening the legitimacy of legislative bodies and the emerging political system. It captures the important milestones of the verification process, key cases, as well as parliamentary debates associated with the establishment of this process in the parliamentary tradition of Cisleithania in 1848 and 1849. Using examples of the Imperial Diet in Vienna and the Moravian Land Diet in Brno, it demonstrates how the model of parliamentarian protection of the purity of the elections was established, what problems it faced and how it could be abused in the post-election power struggle for influence on the direction of the state.

Programové strategie politického boje o moravský venkov v éře masové komunikace … s. 324
(Programme strategies of the political battles for the Moravian rural area in the era of mass communication)

The submitted study deals with an analysis of the programme texts of the political parties oriented mainly on the Moravian and Bohemian rural ar¬eas in the period from the end of the 19th century to World War I. Its goal is to examine social and national collective self-identification in the Czech lands in this period. A comparison of the political programs of the Old Czechs, the Young Czechs, the Agrarians and the Clericals is intended to help determine how the relevant political parties have been able to influ¬ence the political attitudes of the peasantry. The text also deals with the development of agricultural associations and cooperatives in the Czech lands and their connection to the political structures of individual parties.

Keywords: Agrarianism – Czech Lands – Moravian Rural Area – Political Programmes – 1890–1914

A comparison of the political programs from the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries focused on the Moravian and Bohemian rural area shows that the political parties of the time agreed in many ways and sometimes demanded the same measures in favour of the Czech countryside. All the monitored parties – Old Czech, Young Czech, Clerical and Agrarian – perceived the difficult position of the agricultural population in the Czech lands, in which the peasantry found itself as a result of a long-lasting agrarian depression. Old Czech manifestos and election statements were often limited to general declarations. The programme texts of the Young Czechs (the National Liberal Party and the People’s Party in Moravia) were much more detailed, because these parties relied on many people of the peasant class for some time. At the end of the 19th century, however, the satellite peasant organizations of these parties became politically independent because they did not feel sufficient support for the leadership of their parties for their economic and political demands. The political emancipation of the peasant estates movement culminated in the founding of the Czech agrarian parties in Bohemia and later in Moravia (1899, 1904). The programme of the Agrarian party in the Czech lands was indisputably the most elaborated; it concerned all areas of public life, including national, cultural, and economic-legal demands, and thus best reflected the interests and needs of the peasantry. However, it turned out that the perspective of this manifesto was much more important, as it was the only one conceived as an agrarian community programme, i.e. as a programme of the countryside itself with an emphasis on self-help and estates-political agrarian organization, while all others came from outside – as programmes for the rural area. The agrarian manifesto implicitly contained the requirements of land reform and the autarchic economic system, i.e. the future process of nostrification of the economy in the Czechoslovak Republic. The only serious competitor of Agrarians in the rural area, especially in Moravia, turned out to be Clericals, who also had a detailed manifesto and were able to create a similarly distinctive agricultural organization imbued with the ethos of militant clericalism.
Translation by Sean Miller

ŠMÍD Marek
Postoj Svatého stolce k československému zahraničnímu odboji za první světové války … s. 363
(The Attitude of the Holy See to the Czechoslovak Foreign Resistance during the World War I)

The study deals with the diplomatic activities of the Czech, respectively Czechoslovak foreign resistance in relation to the Holy See and its representatives during the World War I. It analyzes the milieu of the foreign political representation, whose activities are set to the Church-political context of the years 1914–1918, with particular emphasis on the situation of the Czech Catholic milieu, which underwent a very dynamic development during the war. It mainly follows Masaryk‘s and Beneš‘s efforts to establish contacts with Church representatives in western and southern Europe, thereby increasing the prestige of their foreign action. The study is based on extensive collections of Vatican and Czech archives, supplemented by funds of other important Czech archival institutions, a number of published sources, period prints and editions of documents on Church and political history of the 20th century.

Keywords: Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk – Edvard Beneš – Milan Rastislav Štefánik – Catholic Church – Holy See – World War I – Benedict XV – 1914–1918

The study deals with the diplomatic activities of the Czech, respectively Czechoslovak foreign resistance in relation to the Holy See and its representatives during the World War I. It analyzes the environment of the foreign political representation, whose activities are set to the Church-political context of the years 1914–1918, with particular emphasis on the situation of the Czech Catholic camp, which underwent a very dynamic development during the war. It mainly follows Masaryk’s and Beneš’s efforts to establish contacts with Church representatives in Western and Southern Europe, thereby increasing the prestige of their foreign action. Although they believed that the Holy See had been compromised by the alliance with Austria- Hungary in the ongoing war, they considered it necessary to turn to the high Church leaders of the Catholic Church as part of their war diplomatic activities in western and southern Europe. The support of the Vatican was crucial for their work, as it could have increased the prestige of their foreign action, which was certainly not the case when the concept of a future constitutional arrangement was being sought.
Masaryk’s and Beneš’s efforts to establish diplomatic contact with the Holy See were not crowned with success. If they approached the Vatican, it was through the high officials of the Curia of the French, British, Roman or American Catholic provenience. The representatives of the foreign resistance themselves were never received by Pope Benedict XV or the Secretary of State Pietro Gasparri. The fact that they were in close contact with the Holy See could not be so openly exploited, but they created an impression, as their memories of war showed, that their activities found a narrow intersection with Vatican interests and struggle for peace. It was apparently a propaganda gesture by our leaders to prevent the Vatican from engaging in the nascent Czechoslovak state. Neutrality, however, not reached, the Holy See supported Austria-Hungary as the last Catholic superpower until the last days of the war.
The study is based on extensive collections of Vatican and Czech archives, supplemented by funds of other important Czech archival institutions, a number of published sources, period prints and editions of documents on church and political history of the 20th century.

Veřejná shromáždění a státní moc (První máje v českých zemích 1918–1938) … s. 388
Public Assemblies and State Power (May Day in the Czech Lands 1918–1938)

This paper deals with the approach of state power to public assemblies in interwar Czechoslovakia. It broaches the question of what the state-po¬litical authorities considered to be the limit of public order, which could not be crossed at political manifestations. Second, the paper focuses on the question of who determined the approach to public assemblies in the structure of the political administration. The issue is monitored within the manifestation culture of May Day. This holiday offers a defined field in which it is possible to study the ways in which the interwar state and its apparatus of political administration sought in practice the relationship between the guarantee of civil liberties (assembly or freedom of speech) and the protection of state authority.

Keywords: Interwar Czechoslovakia – Political Administration – May Day – Public Assemblies – Freedom of Speech

In Czechoslovakia, May Day became along with the holiday of foundation on the 28th of October a day of rest already in 1919. With the “nationalization” of May Day, other, non-socialist currents also began to proclaim this originally labourers’ holiday. The political administration was thus able to regularly coordinate its forces on a large scale on May Day, to build guiding patterns for its bodies and to test its procedures, which can also be used for other cases of more or less formalized crowd actions.
In the censorship practice, the bodies of the political administration built on the tradition of the Habsburg monarchy. Under the new laws as well, the authorities of the political administration could continue to prosecute public speeches against the establishment of the state, its independence, the democratic-republican form of government, state institutions and their representatives for up to several weeks in prison. To give you an idea: public speeches celebrating, for example, the Bolshevik Soviet Republic, or The Soviet Union, were admissible in the 1920s, they were problematic if these slogans in the assemblies were in any way connected, for example, with the call for a world revolution. Censorship trends in the 1930s responded to the deteriorating international political situation; at May Day demonstrations, any interference in the political affairs of other countries was forbidden, so portraits or caricatures of German or Soviet politicians were banned in a blanket way as well as any reference to the Spanish Civil War, etc. In the mid- 1930s, state power also reacted to the rise of the Sudeten German Party. In this respect, the political administration in practice more consistently demanded the dignified use of state symbolism (flags or state anthems), and the use of other identity elements such as songs or uniforms was also regulated.
Whereas at the time of the weakening of state authority in the first years after the war, the representatives of the first instance of political administration (district governors or police directors) were to act relatively benevolently in various regions and taking into account local conditions, where autonomy in decision-making was valued, from the suppression of the communist general strike at the end of 1920 the presidium of the Ministry of Interior demanded a more thorough and unified approach to assemblies. The communication of the political administration demonstrates that externally, in contact with the public, for example, the first-instance district governors were to continue to act as relatively autonomous actors, their powers, including criminal ones, were confirmed and even strengthened at the legislative level, for example in the so-called Organization Act of 1927, but the space for the first-instance bodies’ own approach in practice narrowed, the Presidium of the Ministry of the Interior already then had centralized all the agenda related to public assemblies and secured direct, continuous and detailed control over the approach of the first instances of political administration. On the one hand, the state could thus face security challenges in a uniform way, but, on the other hand, in the field it reduced the room for manoeuvre of the first instance representatives to negotiate with the public.
Translation by Sean Miller


Metternich – der Unverstandene? Schwierigkeiten bei der Erforschung eines Ausnahmepolitikers … s. 416
(Metternich – the Misunderstood One? Difficulties in Researching an Exceptional Politician)
(Nepochopený Metternich: Potíže výzkumu výjimečného politika)

This article explains how the biography of Metternich came about. It is the first biography in ninety years after that of Heinrich Ritter von Srbik (1925). The article formulates eight theses, in which the novelty of the book can be seen.
1) Although the Metternich family originally came from the Rhineland, the Kynžvart (from 1630) and Plasy (from 1825) dominions became the cultural and material foundation of the family. Until 1945, Plasy was also home to the family archive, which is now kept in the National Archive in Prague.
2) Unlike Srbik, this biography makes full use of the Metternich fami¬ly archive and the personal papers (Acta Clementina). Thus it can come to a completely new interpretation.
3) For the first time, the biography takes into account the many roles of his person (Imperial Prince, Head of the Family, Lord of the Majorat, politician, manufacturer, forester, winegrower) and asks about the development of the Prince from Imperial Count to early industrialist.
4) The new sources show how intensively Metternich experienced the French Revolution from various nearby hot spots: in Alsace, Coblence, Mainz and Brussels; they reveal how the Revolution shaped his thinking and politics.
5) The Revolution did not make Metternich an absolutist or counter-revolu¬tionary, but an adherent of the British constitutional system. His preferred model was based on the political philosophy of Edmund Burke.
6) The new sources show that Metternich was not the political opportunist he had been taken for, but rather a pragmatic political leader who acted in a realpo¬litical manner but always remained committed to long-term principles. He was a strategist who was always forced to compromise in the face of the temporary supremacy of the Napoleonic Empire and dependent on a fragile Habsburg Empire. He never lost sight of his long-term strategy (European peace and the internal legal security of the many peoples within the Monarchy).
7) He was also a visionary. This means the imagined anticipation of coming crises, catastrophes or problems or even concepts of a desired peace order up to the ideal of a League of Nations. He saw a permanent source of wars in the will of the various nationalities to each establish a linguistically homogeneous nation state in the middle of Europe. As a counter-model, he envisioned a loose, confederative union of various nationalities based on the model of the Swiss Confederation.
8) Metternich was not the all-powerful „coachman of Europe“. His great ad¬versary Count Franz Anton Kolowrat-Liebsteinsky was in charge of police, censorship and finances within the Habsburg Monarchy. He also had to fight against the Emperor‘s obstinacy and against the selfish interests of Habsburg domestic power politics. His biography is at the same time an examination of European history in the period of upheaval between 1770 and 1850.

Keywords: Metternich, French Revolution, Edmund Burke, Habsburg Mon¬archy, Napoleon, Ancien Regime, Biography, British Constitution, German Confederation, Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation

Tento příspěvek vysvětluje, jak vznikl Metternichův životopis, první po devadesáti letech od díla Heinricha rytíře von Srbika (1925). Formuluje v tezích osm poznatků, v čem spočívá novost této knihy.
1. Ačkoliv rod Metternichů pochází původně z Porýní, panství Kynžvart (od roku 1630) a Plasy (od roku 1825) se postupně staly kulturní a materiální základnou rodu. V Plasech byl do roku 1945 také rodinný archiv, který je dnes uložen v Národním archivu v Praze.
2. Na rozdíl od Srbika využívá tato biografie v plném rozsahu metter-nichovský rodinný archiv a osobní pozůstalost (Acta Clementina). Může tak dospět ke zcela nové interpretaci.
3. Životopis poprvé zohledňuje četné role jeho osoby (říšský kníže, otec rodiny, majorátní pán, politik, továrník, lesní hospodář, vinař) a zkoumá vývoj od říšského hraběte po raného průmyslníka.
4. Nové prameny dokazují, jak intenzivně Metternich prožíval v Alsasku, v Koblenci, Mohuči a Bruselu Francouzskou revoluci, a jak poznamenala jeho myšlení a politiku.
5. Revoluce neudělala z Metternicha absolutistu a kontrarevolucionáře, ale přívržence britského ústavního systému. Jeho vzorem se stala politická filozofie Edmunda Burka.
6. Nové prameny ukazují, že Metternich nebyl politický oportunista, za něhož byl dosud pokládán, ale pragmatik, který jednal reálpoliticky, ale vždy přitom sledoval dlouhodobé principy. Byl to stratég, který byl tváří v tvář dočasné převaze napoleonského císařství a s ohledem na křehkost velké habsburské říše vždy nucen ke kompromisům. Přitom však nikdy neztrácel ze zřetele svou dlouhodobou strategii (evropský mír a právní jistotu všech národů v monarchii).
7. Navíc to byl vizionář. To předpokládá promyšlené předjímání přichá-zejících krizí, katastrof nebo problémů. Ale také koncepcí kýženého mírového uspořádání, až po ideál spolku národů. Metternich dospěl k názoru, že permanentním zdrojem válek je touha každé národnosti vytvořit si pro sebe vlastní jazykově homogenní národní stát (zejména ve střední Evropě). Oproti tomu snil o opačném modelu – federativním státním spojení různých národností po vzoru švýcarské konfederace.
8. Metternich nebyl všemocný „kočí Evropy“. Policie, cenzura a vnitřní finance habsburské monarchie spadaly do kompetence jeho velkého protihráče, hraběte Františka Antonína Kolowrata-Liebštejnského. Navíc musel bojovat proti svévoli císaře a egoistickým zájmům habsburské dynastické politiky. Biografie se zároveň vyrovnává s evropskými dějinami převratné doby let 1770–1850.

Jak Čechům vyprávět čínský příběh: recenze na nové dějiny ČLR … s. 433
(How to Tell the China Story for Czech readers: Review of the New Czech History of the PRC)

The article provides critical review of the new general history of the People´s Republic of China recently published in Prague. It focuses on methodological naiveté of the authors who claim to bring new perspective on recent Chinese history, while they neglect recent scholarship, and indiscriminate¬ly use standard academic publication side by side with official party sanc¬tioned histories, or former Soviet histories from the time of Sino-Soviet split, without considering a possible politically and ideologically motivated bias. The review also observes avoidance of crucial topics, such as the insti¬tutions of the Communist party, the disciplinary role of the re-education campaigns in early PRC, or the centrality of demands for political reform at certain points in PRC history. Insufficient precision in presentation of some basic historical facts makes the book under review not only methodo¬logically immature and tendentious, but also unreliable as a source of data. It is surprising how such a poorly written book could receive support from a prestigious research grant and pass the scrutiny of the reviewers.

Keywords: People´s Republic of China – History – Historiography – Different Perspectives


František ŠMAHEL
Filip z Padeřova a jeho bible. Glosy inspirované četbou … s. 447
(Filip of Padeřov and His Bible: Glosses Inspired by Reading)


Hluboké město. Moderní metropole jako Druhý Řím … s. 461
(Jaroslav Pánek)

Karin HOFMEESTER – Marcel van der LINDEN (eds.)
Handbook Global History of Work … s. 464
(Jakub Raška)

Čí je ta krajina? Rozhovory s Janem Klápště o středověku i našem světě … s. 467
(Antonín Kostlán)

Xavier BARRAL I ALTET – Pál LŐVEI – Vinni LUCHERINI – Imre TAKÁCS (eds.)
The Art of Medieval Hungary … s. 471
(Peter Bučko)

János M. BAK – László VESZPRÉMY (eds.)
Chronica de gestis Hungarorum e Codice Picto saec. XIV.
The Illuminated Chronicle, Chronicle of the Dees of the Hungarians from the Fourteenth-Century Illuminated Codex

János M. BAK – László VESZPRÉMY (eds.)
Studies on the Illuminated Chronicle … s. 478
(Peter Bučko)

Pavel BRODSKÝ – Kateřina SPURNÁ – Marta VACULÍNOVÁ (edd.)
Liber viaticus Jana ze Středy, svazek 1 a 2 … s. 482
(Martin Nodl)

Pavlína CERMANOVÁ – Pavel SOUKUP (ed.)
Husitské re-formace. Proměna kulturního kódu v 15. století … s. 486
(Jiří Pešek)

Lucie DOLEŽALOVÁ – Michal DRAGOUN (edd.)
Kříž z Telče (1434–1504). Písař, sběratel a autor … s. 489
(František Šmahel)

Guy THEWES – Martin UHRMACHER (Hrsg.)
Extra muros. Vorstädtische Räume im Spätmittelalter und früher Neuzeit. Espaces suburbains au bas Moyen Âge et à l’époque moderne

Sabine von HEUSINGER – Susane WITTEKIND (Hrsg.)
Die materielle Kultur der Stadt in Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit … s. 493
(Ivan Hlaváček)

Mlada HOLÁ – Martin HOLÝ (Hg.)
Das Studentenkolleg der Böhmischen Nation der Prager Universität. Edition der Rechnungen aus den Jahren 1541–1611 … s. 496
(Ivana Čornejová)

„Hrad přepevný je Pánbůh náš.“ Saská luterská šlechta severozápadních Čech ve světle raně novověké sakrální architektury … s. 498
(Lukáš M. Vytlačil)

Politické myšlení Davida Huma. Základní otázky, východiska a inspirace pro americké otce zakladatele … s. 501
(Svatava Raková)

Předminulé století. Evropa v politice a kultuře 19. století … s. 506
(Pavel Máša)

Český historický atlas. Kapitoly z dějin 20. století … s. 508
(Martin Ouředníček)

Marek ŠMÍD
Vatikán a německý nacismus 1923–1945 … s. 513
(Petr Macek)

In the Shadow of the Fasces I. Italy and the Destruction of Czechoslovakia 1938/1939 … s. 516
(Marek Šmíd)

Rozdělený ostrov. Studená válka a kyperská otázka v letech 1960–1974 … s. 519
(Nikola Karasová)

Třetí pilíř zahraniční politiky? Západoněmecká zahraniční kulturní politika v šedesátých a sedmdesátých letech 20. století … s. 522
(Jitka Pánek Jurková)

Miroslav LONDÁK – Slavomír MICHÁLEK a kol.
Dubček … s. 528
(Jan Rychlík)

Benedicta HÜBNEROVÁ – David VÁLKA
České stopy v Římě … s. 533
(Jaroslav Pánek)

Zprávy o literatuře … s. 536



Anton Schindling (20. ledna 1947 – 4. ledna 2020)
(Václav Bůžek) … s. 565

Výtahy z českých časopisů a sborníků … s. 574