Historický ústav akademie věd České republiky, v. v. i.

ročník 116
č. 1/2018

s. 1-346


Pro bono publico oeconomico. Sonda do ekonomického myšlení počátku 18. století … s. 9
(Pro bono publico oeconomico. A probe into economic thinking at the beginning of the 18th century)

This study analyses the correspondence between Jan Kryštof Bořek, a Privy Council member, and the Czech aristocrat Jan Josef of Wallenstein, primarily from the 1720s. Both of them embraced mercantilist theories and with their assistance they sought to discover ways of improving the economic situation in the Czech Lands. Their correspondence reveals their thought processes in which mercantilism merged with the post-White Mountain (Baroque) patriotism. At the same time it also reveals much about the reflection of their own actions, because both Bořek and Wallenstein actively intervened in the formation of the economic environment in the Czech Lands: Bořek headed the office in charge of indirect taxes, Wallenstein was the head of a commercial collegium and he also operated a cloth-making manufactury. Thus, neither mercantilism or patriotism were abstract concepts; they provided a theoretical basis for real decision-making and practical activities.
Key words: mercantilism – history of economic thought – Jan Josef of Wallenstein – Jan Kryštof Bořek – Baroque patriotism – economic history

The Aristotelian term „common good“ (bonum publicum, Gemeinwohl, bien commun) belonged amongst the central terms of the political theory of the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Age, which defined the aim of entire political endeavour. It rested on securing justice in society and had a major moral dimension. In the course of the Early Modern Age, it, however, begun to change: the term „common good“ gradually acquired an economic dimension. Mercantilism of the 17th century started to put this notion into practice, when it emphasised the necessity for governmental regulation so that the ground was prepared for trade, which was to be the route to securing the economic prosperity of a state. The Enlightenment state then embraced this idea wholeheartedly in the following century and set itself the goal of securing economic prosperity of society (welfare).
Mercantilist ideas penetrated the Czech environment very slowly in the course of the 17th and in the first half of the 18th century. However, we know of several contemporaries who dealt with the economic situation of the country in their treatises, especially within the framework of ever increasing fiscal demands on the part of the Habsburg Monarchy. Apart from that, these thinkers usually engaged in extensive correspondence through which they clarified and elaborated their views. Jan Kryštof Bořek, the learned lawyer and in the end a Privy Council member, and Jan Josef of Wallenstein, the Czech aristocrat and president of the Commercial Collegium and the owner of a cloth-making manufactury in Horní Litvínov, also regularly exchanged letters. They both combined practical activities with theoretical knowledge.
In the Habsburg Monarchy there developed a defensive variant of mercantilism, which strove to increase the income of the Treasury and to promote the accumulation of precious metals within the country. The tools, by which this goal was to be achieved, were to increase the manufacture of goods (and the sale of domestic products abroad at a profitable price); the mining of raw materials; directing domestic consumption towards locally produced goods (criticism of luxury goods imported from abroad); amendment of serfdom conditions and restrictive tariff measures. Although Bořek and Wallenstein did not agree on all the issues of the operation of the mercantilistic economy (for example the question of taxation), they perceived the principal economic categories in a similar way.
Bořek and Wallestein were also in agreement as to how to resolve the dismal state of the economy in the Czech Lands. They saw it in the improvement of the technical state of the means of transport (making major rivers navigable and the improvement of roads); in supervision of coin circulation and the contents of precious metals within it; in promoting the establishment of manufacturies despite the opposition of guilds, and so on. Bořek proposed, amongst the others, the establishment of a commercial company (Navigations-Gesellschaft), which would contribute to the maintenance and development of trade relations across the Czech Lands with links to the territory of the Holy Roman Empire. The pursuit of these general aims would lead, according to both correspondents, to the benefit of not merely the state itself, which would collect enough money in taxation but ultimately to increased standards of living for the country’s inhabitants, which Wallenstein documented on examples from his own economic experience.
Wallenstein and Bořek, also, viewed their activities as a duty to their homeland, as a manifestation of their patriotism. That had many forms, its economic side was also emphasized at the beginning of the 18th century. The preference for „local“ against „foreign“ led Wallenstein and Bořek to define a domestic economic space. Whereas experienced workers of non-Catholic confession from abroad promoted a mercantilistic notion about the development of a Czech economy in manufacturies and brought with them the much needed know-how, the Jews were considered to be its enemies as they did not respect borders and instead of the „common good“ they only pursued their own financial interest.
Other economic views also appeared in Czech economic discourse at the beginning of the 18th century. They preferred the principles of free trade even on an international level and the abolition of all monopolies. Yet, defensive mercantilism, the supporters of which were Wallenstein and Bořek, also, unilaterally prevailed. There was no suitable discursive platform for the proponents of mercantilistic and proto-liberal ideas, in addition there were no exact statistical data, which would enable a new way of (scientific) argumentation, which had until then primarily unfolded in the categories of moral philosophy. Thus, the change could only occur in the second half of the 18th century thanks to the development of the exact economic data analysis, alongside the change of the state’s economic policy in the period of Theresian and Josephinian reforms.

Proměny v aplikaci rozsudků trestu smrti v habsburské monarchii v průběhu 19. století v reflexi dobových statistik … s. 53
(Changes in the Application of the Death Penalty in the Habsburg Monarchy in the Course of the 19th Century in the Light of Contemporary Statistics)

This article deals with a change of judicial practice for crimes for which the Criminal Code prescribed the death penalty. It briefly outlines the legislative framework of judicial decision-making, the organisation of courts, as well as the procedure by which it was possible to be granted a reprieve from capital punishment. Afterwards it primarily pays attention both to the change in the number of these judgements and the proportion of executions actually carried out as documented by contemporary statistics and it analyses what these changes meant from the perspective of the development of society in general.
Key words: death penalty – Habsburg Monarchy – statistics – trials by jury – executions

This article observes the changes in the process of prosecution and punishment of crimes punishable by the death penalty in the Habsburg Monarchy in the 19th century. It briefly outlines the legislative framework of judicial decision-making, the organisation of courts, as well as the procedure by which it was possible to be granted a reprieve from capital punishment. The fundamental principles of the change, to which a decrease in the proportion of actual executions belonged, in particular, are introduced on the basis of an analysis of data from contemporary statistics. Whereas in the first half of the 19th century it was not uncommon that more than half the people sentenced to death were executed, in the last quarter of the 19th century, on average, no more than 3 % of these criminals were executed. However, the statistical data showed that this development was also hiding other aspects, amongst which was, for example, an increase in the frequency of capital punishments passed in the second half of 19th century. That might have been influenced by the significantly greater efficacy of investigative and judicial organs. Nevertheless, it is shown that a significant phenomena in this direction was the introduction of trials by jury in 1874. The court practice itself thus accepted changes in wider society much more quickly than the legislative branch.

ŠEDIVÝ Miroslav
Honour as a political-legal argument: The French July Monarchy, national dignity and Europe 1830–1840 … s. 86
(Čest jako politicko-právní argument: Francouzská červencová monarchie, národní čest a Evropa 1830–1840)

The goal of this study is to show how the French July Monarchy systematically exploited the concept of dignity and honour in its foreign policy during the 1830s. Both terms were actually synonymous at that time and were invoked particularly in instances when the French regime was unable to legitimise its goals in international affairs with the precepts of public international law, as for example in the policy of non-intervention in the early 1830s and the position assumed during the so-called Rhine Crisis in 1840. These two political affairs have therefore been chosen to show how France played the ‘honour card’ in the diplomatic arena with other European countries and how the term ‘honour’ gained the value of a more or less political-legal argument in disputes with them. These two affairs also offer evidence of the negative reaction from some of the great powers and Italian states, the latter being affected by both the non-intervention principle and the Rhine Crisis, which made it necessary as well as useful to include Italy as the third important component of the study through which this article attempts to offer an original insight into 19th century diplomatic history.
Key words: Honour – Dignity – France – July Monarchy – Europe – Italy

V dějinách mezinárodních vztahů používali jednotliví protagonisté různorodé prostředky k obhajobě a prosazení vlastních cílů. Jedním z nich byla argumentace cti, a to jak panovnickou, tak narodní, která byla vznášena s cílem obhájit státní a po demokratizaci konceptu cti v průběhu Velké francouzské revoluce i národní zájmy.
Přes velkou pozornost, která je v zahraniční odborné produkci věnována otázce cti od antiky po současnost, nebyla dosud nikdy prozkoumána problematika využití či dokonce zneužití konceptu cti v mezinárodni politice, a to pro kterékoliv období lidských dějin. Tato studie si klade za cíl napravit tento stav a pokusit se o analýzu tohoto obtížně uchopitelného problému. K dosažení zvoleného cíle bylo vybráno období deseti let po červencové revoluci ve Francii v roce 1830, kdy se francouzská zahraniční politika stala asertivní a v některých případech dokonce nekompatibilní s tehdy všeobecně uznávanými principy mezinárodního práva, především pak ve vztahu k italským státům. Proto prostředí Apeninského poloostrova dotváři teritoriální rámec, v jehož mantinelech je analyzována obhajoba postupu Francie její národní ctí, a právě pro toto prostředí jsou v zájmu kontextualizace uvedeny i případy dalších států, které údajně raněnou panovnickou či národní ctí maskovaly nelegálnost své vlastní politiky.
Francouzská červencová monarchie systematicky využívala koncept cti v mezinárodních vztazích 30. let 19. stoleti, a to především v momentech, kdy nebyla schopna své jednání obhájit na poli mezinárodního práva: na počátku této dekády se jednalo o takzvaný princip neintervence, v roce 1840 pak o její válečnou rétoriku v průběhu takzvané Rýnské krize v reakci na odlišný postup ostatních velmocí na Blízkém východě. Tyto dvě zaležitosti proto byly vybrány k analýze způsobu, jakým Francie využívala cti v diplomatické aréně s ostatními evropskými státy a jak tato rétorika získala až téměř hodnotu politicko-právního argumentu. Volba principu neintervence a Rýnské krize pak byla učiněna i proto, že nabízí pro jevy nesouhlasu některých evropských a italských státniků a diplomatů s takovým chováním, případně i obyvatel některých států Apeninského poloostrova.
Jelikož vzhledem k absenci odborné literatury neexistuje pro zpracování tohoto tématu adekvátní metodika a současně není argumentace cti vysvětlena v dobových pramenech, je v předložené studii nezbytné věnovat značnou pozornost právě metodologické rovině. O jisté „abstraktnosti“ zvoleného problému vypovídá již jen to, že navzdory běžnému a hojnému výskytu odkazu na panovnickou či národní čest v rozličných textech daného období nebyl v diplomatické či právní praxi nikdy kodifikován ani systematizován způsob užití tohoto slova. Díla právních teoretiků na toto téma zcela mlči, stejně jako novinové články, politické spisy a jakékoliv jiné zdroje. Dokonce neexistovalo ani pravidlo pro používání samotného pojmu čest, kdy ve francouzštině byl uživán bez jakéhokoliv rozlišení a často pak i vedle sebe jako synonyma dignité a honneur, v anglickem jazyce pak dignity a honour.
Tím spíše se tato studie opirá o přístup francouzského panovníka a jeho ministrů a diplomatů při prosazování národních zájmů pomoci principu neintervence či válečných hrozeb v roce 1840, jinými slovy o to, jak byl koncept cti aplikován v praxi. Zde se jednoznačně ukazuje, že čím méně bylo možné daný postup obhájit zásadami mezinárodního práva, tím intenzivněji docházelo k odvolávání se na národní čest. Důvodem se zdá být především to, že vůči tomuto způsobu argumentace bylo nanejvýš obtížné se bránit, neboť zpochybnění ohrožení či hodnoty cti panovníka či celého národa mohlo být považováno za vážnou urážku, případně i casus belli.
Zde je pak nutné hledat i odpověď na to, proč zástupci jiných evropských států sice nesouhlasili s odkazy na ohroženou francouzskou čest, současně se jim však nikdy neodvážili postavit otevřeně a vyvolat tak disputaci na toto téma. Přesto jsou vzácně dochované soukromé postoje odmítající tento způsob argumentace nanejvýš cenné, protože jednoznačně dokazují, že byl vnímán jako važný problém. To platí i pro veřejné mínění v některých italských státech, které na obvinění o uražené narodní cti francouzského národa reagovalo s obavou, že tato „domnělá urážka“ bude zneužita jako záminka k vyhlášení války ze strany Francie.


Úvod … s. 112

PÁNEK Jaroslav
Česká účast na mezinárodních kongresech historických věd … s. 115
(Czech Participation at International Congresses of Historical Sciences)

This article deals with the structure of international congresses of historical sciences from Madrid 1990 up to Jinan 2015 and with the topics discussed at them. Paying particular attention to the organization of „major themes“, it follows the dominant status of large states in the Euro-American civilisation and the Far East compared to the marginal role of all the other parts of the world. Using the example of the Czech Republic whose participation at world congresses has increasingly grown, it documents that this discrepancy is not impossible to overcome, yet it requires systematic work and increased effort on the part of the national committees and historians in these smaller countries. Collaboration of several countries (in this case especially that of the Czech Republic, Poland and other Central European countries) is seen as an appropriate means so that the results of historiographies of smaller countries may make their mark, which the article illustrates with the examples of the Congresses in Sydney 2005, Jinan 2015 and on preparations for the Congress in Poznan in 2020.
Key words: Historiography – International Congresses of Historical Sciences 1990–2015 – Central Europe – Czech Republic – Poland – Hungary – Epistemic Justice

The International Congress of Historical Sciences, which takes place every five years, has become the most prestigious gathering of historians and provides an exceptional opportunity to present scientific results of individual national historiographies. This article deals with the structure of these congresses in the years 1990-2015 and with the topics discussed at them. Paying particular attention to the organization of „major themes“, it follows the dominant position of a relatively small group of states – with the USA in the forefront, followed by France, Great Britain, Germany, Australia, Italy and Japan; yet also involving China at least once, alongside several smaller states, which, however, support not merely scientific research but research into the humanities in a significant manner – Austria, Finland, Israel, the Netherlands, Spain and Switzerland. All the other regions of the world play a marginal role in this category.
Using the example of the Czech Republic whose participation at world congresses has increasingly grown, the author documents that this discrepancy is not impossible to overcome, yet it requires systematic work and increased effort on the part of the national committees and historians in these smaller countries. In smaller session formats („specialized themes“, „round tables“ etc.) smaller and less wealthy states can succeed, in some cases individually, yet a more productive way seems to be collaboration of at least two countries and their national committees. Since the beginning of the 21st century the Czech Republic promotes cooperation with Poland, which has a strong historiography at its own disposal, and with other Central European countries (Slovakia and Hungary). Indeed, this approach has already achieved success at the Congress in Sydney in 2005 (questions of political culture in Central Europe, interpreted in European and world-wide contexts). Beginning with the Congress in Amsterdam in 2010, the Czech Republic has extended organizational cooperation to Asia (South Korea) and during the preparations for the Congress in Jinan 2015 to Australia, also. When preparing for the Congress in Poznan in 2020, in addition to promoting several smaller format sessions the Czech National Committee of Historians focused its attention on co-organising a „major theme“ (Towards a Balanced Historical Knowledge: State and Nation in a Comparative Perspective – Paradigms of Investigation, Narratives, Explications) in cooperation with Poland and Hungary, also with the support of a number of other Central European countries.
The aim of this endeavour is not merely the presentation of results of individual national historiographies. This is about introducing the history of Central (possibly of East-Central) Europe onto the world scene, its inclusion in global connections. The region between Germany and Russia, which still remains on the margins of interest in syntheses of European and world history, might, in this manner find its rightful place in new comparative connections and be included in a world context.

Historická věda a její bodové hodnocení v České republice za období 2013–2015 … s. 131
(Historical science and its evaluation in Czech Republic from 2013 to 2015)

This article recapitulates the course and results of the overall assessment of publication results, both for the science itself and research, in the discipline of “history” in the Czech Republic from the period 2013–2015. Based on the data acquired in this manner, the re-distribution of financial means for further development of individual research organisations was carried out. On average, the discipline of “history” annually presented about 1800 separate results (academic volumes, chapters in books and articles in scholarly periodicals). The author outlines the methodology of assessment and states the names of actual historians who were members of the panel of assessors. In conclusion he lists the main pros and cons, which this model of assessment brought compared to other systems of assessment. The points system, which directly generates finances for further research, influenced the discipline of “history” considerably in terms of quantity during the period concerned. However, it was possible to eliminate this phenomenon thanks to the physical verification of all submitted results and their allocation on a qualitative scale.
Key words: Historical science – Historiography – Czech Republic – Financing of Research – 2013 – 2015 – Evaluation of science and research

In this review study the author summarizes the development of the system for evaluating of science and research in the Czech Republic in the years 2013–2015, and considers the way this system is applied in the historical research community. It was a specific system of point evaluation of published results closely connected with the amount of financial resources from the state budget granted for the development of the research organization. This model of financing was gradually introduced in the Czech Republic in 2010–2012. In 2013 the evaluation system was significantly adjusted and strengthened according to the “peer review” principle, which gives substantial weight to qualitative criteria. The author positively evaluates the fact that in this system the evaluation is done exclusively by important members of the research communities, who were proposed for this work by the research institutions. All substantial data are publicly accessible, including the actual results, their evaluation in terms of points and the names of the members of the evaluation panel, so that the quality of the work of the evaluation panel can be retrospectively judged by the expert community. These facts guarantee a relatively high level of objective evaluation. In the conclusion of the study, the author gives a brief review of the qualitative division of the published results from the field of “history” in the Czech Republic and noticed some difficulties concernig described proces of evaluation. He cites specific book titles, which were evaluated by this method as the most important scientific achievements of Czech historiography in the evaluated three years.

Narativ jako nevyhubitelný fenomén lidské společnosti … s. 158
(Das Narrativ: ein beständiges Phänomen der menschlichen Gesellschaft)

The author reflects on historical narrative as a tool, sprung from human ontogenesis, for the foundation of social identity and contemporary as well as historical self-awareness of any human community – a tool useful, but also open to abuse. The author discusses a situation in which the existing narratives are either rejected, without being subject to analytical criticism, or in which civically/societally relevant narratives are absent. A special problem arises as a result of the most current situation in which the „posttruth“ narratives politically compete with those which are created by critical historiography.
Key words: Narrativity – Theory of Historiography – Post-truth – Historiography and Society

Die methodologischen Diskussionen im Zuge der „linguistischen Wende“ und die vorubergehende Begeisterung fur die Historiographie als „soziale Wissenschaft“ haben die traditionelle Grundfigur der historiographischen Arbeit seit der Antike, also die erklarende, argumentative Erzahlung, infrage gestellt. Der Verfasser argumentiert, dass die narrative Form der Erfassung und Erklarung aktueller und desto mehr historischer Situationen eine der menschlichen Gesellschaft inharente erprobte Art des Selbst-Verstehens ist. Die narrative Zusammenfassung der historischen Erfahrung bildet die Basis der historischen Identitat jeder Kommunitat und sie hilft ihr, sowohl ihre Identitat aufzubauen als auch sich mit katastrophenartigen Situationen auseinanderzusetzen. Die grosen „Meistererzahlungen“ haben allerdings oft auch negative (nationalistische, aggressive, antiemanzipatorische usw.) Zuge. Wenn diese legitimistischen, imperialen, rassistischen usw. Meistererzahlungen nicht kritisch dekonstruiert, sondern nur negiert bzw. ignoriert werden, mutieren sie zu noch schlimmeren Gebilden. In der heutigen Zeit der medialen „Postwahrheit“ entstehen so – spontan oder zweckmasig – den gesellschaftlichen Konsens gefahrdende „Neo-Narrative“. Der ausgebliebene kritisch-argumentative Dekonstruktionsprozess beschadigt die Gesellschaft im Grunde ebenso intensiv wie die abgelehnten Narrative selbst. Der Verfasser demonstriert dies am Beispiel der in der offentlichen Diskussion nicht kritisch hinterfragten oder gar uberwundenen Narrative und Paradigmata der kommunistischen Epoche in der Tschechoslowakei. Er schliest seinen Text mit der – sich auf die Konzeption von Konrad H. Jarausch stutzenden – Uberzeugung, dass die fur die Burgergesellschaft einzig produktive Losung darin besteht, die „ausgedienten“, in einer offenen Diskussion dekonstruierten Narrative durch eine neue Generation pluraler, interdependenter oder multiperspektivischer, sich konkurrierender, quellenkritisch untermauerter historischer Erzahlungen zu ersetzen.


Italská diplomacie a únorový převrat v Československu 1948 … s. 171
(The Italian diplomacy and the February putsch in 1948)

The Italian diplomacy closely followed the development in the post-war Czechoslovakia and the Communists‘ assuming power. This particularly applied to the February putsch in 1948, the course of which Alfonso Tacoli, the Italian Ambassador to Czechoslovakia, comprehensively covered in his reports to Rome. In addition, this interest was also reflected in his report from mid- March 1948, relating to a comparison of the roles of President E. Beneš and the Foreign Minister J. Masaryk in the critical days of February 1948.
Key words: Putsch – Czechoslovakia – Czechoslovak-Italian relations – diplomacy

The 1948 February putsch in Czechoslovakia has until now been viewed from the point of foreign policy of western superpowers or the Soviet Union, whereas the views of Italian diplomacy have remained somewhat overlooked. Yet, it followed the events in Czechoslovakia with no less attention than the superpowers mentioned above. This involved not merely reports from Czechoslovakia itself, but also responses to the communist takeover coming from all over the world. However, the news coming from Prague was crucial and it comprised political reports and telegrams from the Italian Ambassador Alfonso Tacoli, who covered in detail the development of events in the final days of February 1948. An important role in this news coverage (which also impacted upon the Italian situation before the country’s parliamentary elections of April 1948) was also played by Tacoli’s analysis of the roles of the two key personalities on the Czechoslovak political scene, namely President Edvard Beneš and Foreign Minister Jan Masaryk. This represents a type of the Italian diplomat’s reflection on the roles of these personalities, based both on his own personal discussions and experience with them, and pieces of information which he gathered from other sources, the official ones but also from the Prague diplomatic corps. In many aspects he displays a remarkable ability sine ira et studio to assess the situation in Czechoslovakia at the time of the February crisis of 1948. We feel that his critical characterisation of Beneš’s personality corresponds to reality, as well as his assessment of options open to the President during the February crisis. Similarly, the characterisation of Jan Masaryk is fitting and unveils the tragic situation which the Foreign Minister faced towards the end of his life and how difficult he personally found it.


KŘÍŽ Jaroslav
Biografický slovník českých zemí, 1–20. sešit: A–Gz … s. 191

K pojetí Biografického slovníku českých zemí … s. 195



Svatý Vintíř. Poustevník, kolonizátor a diplomat
(Josef Šrámek) … s. 198

Castrum Salis. Severné pohraničie Uhorska okolo roku 1000
(Peter Bučko) … s. 201

Alexander PATSCHOVSKY (ed.)
Joachim von Fiore. Concordia Novi et Veteris Testamenti
(František Šmahel) … s. 205

Henry Harrer’s Tractatus contra beghardos. The Dominicans
and Early Fourteenth Century Heresy in Lesser Poland

Paweł KRAS – Tomasz GAŁUSZKA – Adam POZNAŃSKI (edd.)
Proces beginek świdnickich w 1332 roku. Studia historyczne
i edycja łacińsko-polska … s. 207
(Martin Nodl)

Lucie DOLEŽALOVÁ – Michal DRAGOUN – Jan CTIBOR (edd.)
Čítanka latinských textů z pozdně středověkých Čech
(Michaela Falátková) … s. 211

Alena PAZDEROVÁ (ed.)
Epistulae et acta nuntiorum apostolicorum apud imperatorem, Tom. I.

Tomáš ČERNUŠÁK (ed.)
Epistulae et acta Antonii Caetani 1607–1611. Pars V
(Pavel Marek) … s. 215

Konvertita a exulant Jiří Holík. Příspěvek k dějinám exilu
a problematice konverze v období raného novověku
(Ivana Čornejová) … s. 221

Petr MACEK – Richard BIEGEL – Jakub BACHTÍK (edd.)
Barokní architektura v Čechách
(Jiří Hrbek) … s. 224

Ulrich L. LEHNER
The Catholic Enlightenment: The Forgotten History of a Global Movement
(Jakub Zouhar) … s. 229

Čas kongresů a tajných společností
(Miroslav Šedivý) … s. 233

Lothar HÖBELT – Johannes KALWODA – Jiří MALÍŘ (edd.)
Die Tagebücher des Grafen Egbert Belcredi 1850–1894
(Milan Hlavačka) … s. 237

V národních barvách. Akcionářský pivovar na Smíchově v letech 1869–1945
(Jan Slavíček) … s. 240

Historie školních budov. Od tereziánských reforem po současnost
(Milena Lenderová) … s. 243

Fenomén Dijon. Století českých maturit ve Francii
(Milena Lenderová) … s. 246

Maciej GÓRNY
Wielka Wojna profesorów. Nauki o człowieku (1912–1923)
(Marek Ďurčanský) … s. 250

Zdenko MARŠÁLEK – Emil VORÁČEK a kol.
Interbrigadisté, Československo a španělská občanská válka.
Neznámé kapitoly z historie československé účasti
v občanské válce ve Španělsku 1936–1939
(David Majtenyi) … s. 254

Tito. Die Biografie
(Jiří Kuděla) … s. 258

Emília HRABOVEC a kol.
Slovenský ústav svätých Cyrila a Metoda v Ríme (1963–2013)
(Jaroslav Pánek) … s. 266

Peter BRANDT – Detlef LEHNERT (edd.)
Sozialdemokratische Regierungschefs
in Deutschland und Österreich: 1918–1983
(Jiří Pešek) … s. 269

Kapitál v 21. století
(Jan Slavíček) … s. 276

Zprávy o literatuře … s. 280


Mezinárodní konference Money – Crisis – Conjuncture … s. 312


Karel Novotný (11. ledna 1932 – 13. září 2017)
(Eduard Maur) … s. 316
Ctibor Nečas (26. července 1933 – 19. prosince 2017)
(Ladislav Hladký) … s. 319

Výtahy z českých časopisů a sborníků … s. 324

Pokyny pro autory … s. 343