Historický ústav akademie věd České republiky, v. v. i.

ČESKÝ ČASOPIS HISTORICKÝ
THE CZECH HISTORICAL REVIEW


ročník 112
3/2014
s. 373-596

ISSN 0862-6111


OBSAH / CONTENTS


STUDIE / STUDIES

VOREL Petr
Směnné kursy jako nástroj mocenské politiky v Římsko-německé říši počátkem čtyřicátých let 16. století
(Exchange rates as a tool of power politics in the Holy Roman Empire at the beginning of the 1540s)
s. 379-401

The study deals with the question of monetary integration of the Holy Roman Empire, the main result of which was the adoption of the three imperial mint orders from 1524, 1551 and 1559 and the subsequent amendment to the imperial mint order from 1566. All of these acts were conducted against a certain power-politics backdrop, and the result of each of the mint orders referred to was advantageous only for a certain part of the imperial estates. This was just one of the reasons why the Empire’s monetary integration at that time was unsuccessful and lead to the gradual inflationary devaluation of local currencies within the Empire from the last third of the 16th century. The author sees the beginning of the 1540s as a signifiant turning point in this process, when there was still the possibility of a compromise solution to the religious disputes within the Empire, and when even the opposition imperial princes were willing to contribute financially and personally (in the position of military commanders) to the Habsburgs’ military operations in the long-term conflicts with France and the Ottoman Empire. After the Ottoman Empire began once again to present an intense threat to the Habsburgs’ hereditary lands in the Danube region having defeated the Habsburgs in Hungary (1541), in 1542 the Imperial Assembly expressed consent to the financing of the imperial army which was meant to be sent to this area. The preparation of this campaign was also accompanied by important negotiations on the buying power of the money which this army was supposed to have and which it was to use to cover its expenses (mainly for supplies) on Austrian territory. In this way an operative agreement was reached on the exchange rates of specific coins that reflected the reality of the then valid European currency circulation far more accurately than the actual imperial mint orders, because the mint agreement from 1542 (which up till now has not been dealt with by the literature about the Empire’s monetary integration) covered not only the main gold and silver coins issued under the individual currency systems within the Empire, but also certain foreign coinages which the hired mercenary units would have been assumed to have (Swiss, French and north Italian coins). The author analyses the content of the cited 1542 mint agreement, and based on concrete examples of the individual currencies, he documents the political contexts which lead to an acceptance by the Habsburgs of exchange rates unfavourable for the Austrian lands.

Abstrakt:
The study deals with the question of monetary integration of the Holy Roman Empire, the main reset of which was the adoption of the imperial mint orders from 1524, 1551 and 1559 and the amendment to the imperial mint order from 1566. The author sees the beginning of the 1540s as a significant turning point in this process, when there was still the possibility of a compromise solution to the religious disputes within the Empire, and when the opposition imperial princes were willing to contribute financially and personally to the Habsburgs’ military operations in the conflicts with France and the Ottoman Empire. The author analyses the content of the 1542 mint agreement and documents the political contexts which lead to an acceptance by the Habsburgs of exchange rates unfavourable
for the Austrian lands.

Key words: Money, Exchange rates, Monetary integration, Holy Roman Empire, 1542


BŮŽEK Václav
Ferdinand I. ve svědectvích o jeho nemocech, smrti a posledních rozloučeních
(Ferdinand I in Testimonies on his Illnesses, Death and Final Obsequies)

s. 402-431

Although the repeated attacks of high fever, chills, cough and coughing blood restricted Ferdinand I’s exercise of his everyday regal duties from the end of 1563 onwards, as mentioned in the testimonies provided by diplomats, courtiers and intelligence agents, the gravely ill ruler only transferred sole rule of the Holy Roman Empire and the Lands of the Habsburg Monarchy to his eldest son in April 1564. In the last months of his life, Ferdinand I did not leave his bedchamber in the Hofburg Palace in Vienna, where he prepared himself spiritually for his peaceful departure from the earthly world. He was visited at his bedside by Maximilian II and his wife Queen Marie, the Archdukes Ferdinand and Charles, his closest courtiers, personal physicians and musicians. Obviously, his confessor Matthias Sitthard would spend most time at Ferdinand I’s side. At the end of May and by early June 1564 when the sovereign’s personal physicians realised that their medical procedures had failed to work, they saw their last hope for an improvement in his life threatening conditions in divine intervention.
Despite the fact that the Holy Roman Emperor, King of Bohemia and Hungary and Archduke of Austria died on 25th July 1564, his funeral took place only thirteen months later, namely on 6th and 7th of August 1565 in Vienna and on 21th and 22nd August 1565 in Prague. Repeated postponements of the date for the final farewells were not caused by the disunity amonit the male descendants of the deceased Central European ruler but were linked to Maximilian II’s deteriorating state of health and increasing military tensions in the Kindgom of Hungary. The ceremonial funeral rites served to say both the final farewell to the biological body of the deceased ruler and simultaneously to create an image of the immortality of his social body. During the display of his remains at a castrum doloris, the ceremonial funeral processions through Prague and Vienna and the requiem mass in the Cathedral of St. Vitus, Ferdinand I entered the collective memory as a Christian knight, a wise and righteous ruler of extensive territories in Central Europe, where after his biological death, his bereaved sons took over the ruling power by the grace of God. The dramaturgy of final farewells and the use of symbols in speeches distinctly reflected a scenario of the triumph of the eternal life of the immortal ruler and a bridge to heaven and a celebration of the continuity of the Christian rule of the Habsburg dynasty.
The scenario of the final farewell for Ferdinand I in Vienna became a model to follow when organising the mourning ceremonies for his oldest son Maximilian II in the capital of the Kingdom of Bohemia on 22th and 23rd March 1577. Also during the preparation of the last farewell for Rudolph II, which took place from 1st to 3rd October 1612, the top royal officials of the Kingdom used the elaborate funerals of Ferdinand I and Maximilian II in support of thein argument. In their eyes, the grandiose funeral of the sovereign was an expected, customary ritual during which the mourning celebrations of the social body of the deceased were interpreted as a symbol of continuity and the divine order of the world.
Yet, it will only be as a result of further research that the answer might be found to the question whether the ritual of the last farewells for Ferdinand I influenced the ritual of the funeral ceremonies for his other sons, the Archduke Charles in Graz and the Archduke Ferdinand in Innsbruck.

Abstract:
This presented study focuses on determining the causes of the illness, courses of treatment, the preparation for the death and symbolic messages conveyed at the funerals of Ferdinand I, based on the dispatches of envoys, personal correspondence of the Imperial family, official correspondence of court dignatories and an iconographical analysis of the sources. Attention is also paid to the impact of the gradually deteriorating general health of the biological body of this Central European ruler in terms of a weakening of the sovereign’s grip on power and the exercise of his everyday regal duties between 1563 and 1564. At the same time, the chosen historical-anthropological approaches and concepts of symbolic communication make it possible to observe the creation of the image of the social body of the deceased emperor at the moment of his death on 25th July 1564 and during the final obsequies which took place thirteen months later, namely on 6th and 7th of August 1565 in Vienna and on 21th and 22nd August 1565 in Prague. During the display of his remains at a castrum doloris, the ceremonial funeral procession and the requiem mass, Ferdinand I entered the collective memory as a Christian knight, a wise and righteous ruler of extensive territories in Central Europe, where, after his biological death, his bereaved sons took over the ruling power by the grace of God. The dramaturgy of final farewells and the use of symbols in speeches celebrated loudly the continuous tradition of the Christian rule of the Habsburg dynasty.

Key words: Habsburg dynasty, Ferdinand I, Vienna, Prague, Imperial Court, symbolical communication, illness, course of treatment, death, funeral, memory of the social body of the ruler


KLEČACKÝ Martin
Iluze nezávislosti. Sociální status c. k. soudce v konfliktu loajalit mezi národem a státem na přelomu 19. a 20. století
(An Illusion of Independence. The Social Status of the Imperial-Royal Judge in the Conflict of Loyalties between the Nation and the State at the Turn of the 20th Century)

s. 432-462

This study deals with the standing of an individual judge in terms of the state administrativ in the Cisleithian part of the Habsburg Monarchy at the turn of the 20th century. Although the judge enjoyed special protection, enshrined in primary legislation, which guaranteed thein impartiality and independence, this principle was never fully achieved and adhered to over the entire course of Austria-Hungary’s existence. Judges, as judicial civil servants, were included in the structure of state administration and its salary schedules, rendering the judiciary open to the influence of the organs of the executive. The material and social standing of a theoretically independent judge was, thus, dependent on the decisions of the Ministry of Justice. This state of affairs impacted most of all on the lowest categories of judges, especially so within the framework of the so-called preparatory service for judicial office. The candidates for judicial office were forced to seek an alternative means of earning a living because they received either no income or an insufficient income from the state during their preparatory service. The situation of young lawyers was not much improved even after their appointment as judges. Efforts to gain a promotion and consequently a better salary, together with a growing national and political awareness in the ranks of the civil service, brought the judges into close contact with political parties. Their support could, on one hand, fast-track their careers, yet, on the other hand, political representatives, in return, made demands for their involvement in the nationalistic struggle which had erupted in Bohemia with unheard of intensity at the turn of the 20th century.
The efforts of Czech political circles to dominate judicial administration were closely linked with the appointment of the President of the High Land Court in Prague and appointments to posts at the Ministry of Justice. This was particularly evident in the activities of Czech ministers in the Vienna Government. Yet, these efforts could already be observed from the arrival of Josef Kaizl to the post of finance minister in the Count Franz Thun Government. A complex appointment process and the ever increasing participation of political parties in the nominations to judicial posts in the Czech Lands forced the judges to choose between the Czech and German side and to play an active role in national life.

Abstract:
This study focuses upon the role of a judge in the Cisleithian part of the Habsburg Monarchy. The judge as a formally independent and impartial representative of one of the three branches of state power was fully dependent on the executive branch decision-making in terms of his material and social standing. Efforts to improve their status led the judges to co-operate with the political representation, resulting in the ever increasing interference of political parties in the sphere of judicial administration.

Key words: Austria-Hungary, civil service corps, justice, judicial independence, Czechs and Germans


NEJEDLÝ Martin
Inspirace ještě pro jednu generaci. Úvaha nad osobností a dílem Jacquese Le Goffa (1924–2014)
[Inspiration for a Generation. Thoughts on the person and work of Jacques Le Goff (1924‒2014)]
[Une inspiration, même pour la génération montante – Considérations sur la personnalité et l’oeuvre de Jacques Le Goff (1924–2014)]
s. 463-496

Cet article contient les considérations personnelles d’un disciple tchèque de Jacques Le Goff sur l’héritage de chercheur et de maître laissé par le médiéviste récemment disparu, héritage qui reste une inspiration encore pour la génération actuelle des étudiants en histoire.
Jacques Le Goff nourrissait un profond intérêt pour l’histoire et le présent des pays tchèques depuis sa première visite de Prague en 1946 et les études à l’Université Charles qui suivirent, dont il tira son premier article. C’est pour cela qu’il se réclama toute sa vie avec reconnaissance du maître que fut pour lui Victor-Lucien Tapié, spécialiste de l’histoire tchèque et centre-européenne. Parmi les autres personnalités qui inspirèrent l’oeuvre de Le Goff on peut aussi citer Henri Pirenne, Marc Bloch, Fernand Braudel, Maurice Lombard ainsi quo Marie-Dominique Chenu – un peu placé sous le boisseau hors de France mais qui enrichit pourtant les recherches des médiévistes de l’École de Annales en matière de théologie et d’histoire religieuse.
La renommée que s’acquit Jacques Le Goff de son vivant se justifie plus facilement qu’elle ne s’explique. La première clé de compréhension de l’homme est peut-être sa carrière assez atypique. Au lieu de la thèse envisagée, il écrivit deux ouvrages plutôt de vulgarisation, surtout sa Civilisation de l’Occident médiéval, qui était « nouvelle » par sa perspective globale et pourtant sur le temps long, « nouvelle » aussi par l’importance qu’y avaient les sources littéraires et iconographiques, où Le Goff voyait plus que de simples illustrations. L’importance de Jacques Le Goff dérivait aussi du fait que, en particulier dans les recueils d’articles des années 1970–1980, il avait ouvert une série de « chantiers », dans lesquels d’autres pouvaient travailler, par exemple sur la société tripartite, sur les vêtements, les rêves, la nourriture, les couleurs, les gestes, les jeux et les rires. Il était résolument en faveur de la coopération entre l’histoire et les histoires de la littérature et de l’art, la linguistique, l’ethnologie et l’anthropologie. Dans la dernière époque de sa vie, il s’orienta avec décision vers l’étude des catégories de valeurs, telles que l’honneur et la trahison. Sa monographie sur saint Louis est aussi un exemple d’une nouvelle démarche vers le genre alors peu en vogue de la biographie historique, et une « nouvelle » conception de l’histoire politique, qui englobe aussi les symboles, les gestes et l’imagination.
Une grande entreprise de Jacques Le Goff est aussi la fondation, à partir de la VIe section de l’École Pratique des Hautes Études (EPHE), d’une institution autonome, l’École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), qui lui permit de créer un cadre favorable à des recherches interdisciplinaires et à la formation de ses propres disciples.
Jacques Le Goff accompagnait toujours ses travaux spécialisés et de vulgarisation d’une réflexion sur la science historique. Il essayait d’expliquer que la façon dont le chercheur écrit, et celle dont il parle du passé, n’est pas donnée une fois pour toutes. Elle dépend de l’évolution de la discipline, de la connaissance des sources, mais aussi des orientations de l’historien, de son tempérament et de son expérience.
Pour l’auteur de cet article, Jacques Le Goff constitue aussi un exemple en ce que l’historien n’a pas le droit d’abdiquer son droit à la liberté – c’est-à-dire qu’il doit étudier les sujets délaissés et transmettre la joie de la recherche – continuer à jeter bas les barrières entre les disciplines de l’histoire médiévale et les traditionnelles spécialités universitaires – se consacrer à la « popularisation », même si cela ne rapporte pas de points dans le système bureaucratique d’évaluation – ne pas oublier à combien de jeunes gens Le Goff a donné le goût de « faire de l’histoire » par sa verve contagieuse et sa façon personnelle d’entrer dans ses sujets d’étude.
Pour juger de Jacques Le Goff, il faut aussi ne pas oublier qu’il était un intellectuel engagé, c’est-à-dire à gauche, défendant publiquement le choix d’un refus catégorique du racisme, de l’antisémitisme, et des expressions d’intolérance religieuse et culturelle.
L’auteur a enrichi cet article d’opinions (citées et traduites en tchèque) sur certains aspects de la personnalité de Jacques Le Goff formulées à sa demande par MM. Olivier Chaline, Bruno Dumézil, Stéphane Durand, Olivier Marin, Jean-Marie Moeglin et Jean-Claude Schmitt, ainsi que par Mme Christine Ferlampin-Acher.

Abstract:
The article is a personal reflection by a student of Le Goff on the research legacy of the great medievalist, who from the time of his studies at Charles University also showed a deep interest in the history of the Bohemian lands. The article stresses the importance of the foundation of the École des hautes études en sciences sociales and the creation of a doctoral seminary as a milestone on Le Goff‘s pathway towards historical anthropology and the education of his own doctoral students. Jacques Le Goff remains an inspiration, in particular for his interdisciplinary approaches, his interest in literary and iconographic sources and medieval imagination as well as for his sophisticated popularising efforts and for the tearing down of useless walls between university specialisations. The reflections are in part based on original assessments of the different aspects of Le Goff’s legacy by Bruno Dumézil, Stéphane Durand, Oliver Chaline, Christine Ferlampin-Acher, Olivier Marin, Jean-Marie Moeglin and Jean-Claude Schmitt.

Key words: Jacques Le Goff, Annales School, French historiography, methods of medieval studies, historical anthropology, medieval literature, interdisciplinarity, Czech-French relations


DISKUSE / DISCUSSION

PEŠEK Jiří
Podvod jako vážný problém světové vědy i aktuální české historiografie
(Fraud as a Serious Challenge in World Science including Contemporary Czech Historiography)
s. 497-511

One accompanying phenomenon of modern science, which is focused on (measurable) output, is a radical increase in the types and forms of plagiarism, or fraud in other words, at the level of student essays, dissertations and pure research studies. This contribution demonstrates that cases of fraud, being both exemplary and the most serious ones in terms of financial implications, occur in the natural sciences, medicine and technological sciences, yet the humanities, namely historiography, are also blighted by misconduct of a similar vein. The author lists exemplary cases of fraud in academic research. Thereafter, supported by the Codes of Practice of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic and the Charles University, he identifies with the help of exemplars, the four fundamental types of academic fraud in publishing: plagiarism, fabrication, falsification (including “negative falsification”) and data theft. He also highlights the fact that these are not mere trivial offences nor marginal phenomena but rather significant breaches of scientific conduct with an impact on the very substance of the respective discipline, and thus present a serious problem that modern historiography needs to address.

Key words: scientific fraud (sciences and humanities), historiography, plagiarism, fabrication, falsification, data theft


OBZORY LITERATURY | REVIEW ARTICLES AND REVIEWS

Recenze

BEREND Nora (ed.)
Christianizace a utváření křesťanské monarchie. Skandinávie, střední Evropa a Rus v období 10.-12. století
(Jiří Pešek) s. 512-517

BEREND Nora – URBAŃCZYK Przemysław – WISZEWSKI Przemysław
Central Europe in the High Middle Ages.
Bohemia, Hungary and Poland, c. 900 - c. 1300
(Peter Bučko) s. 518-522

DVOŘÁKOVÁ Daniela
Čierna kráľovná Barbora Celjská (1392-1451). Životný príbeh uhorskej, rímsko-nemeckej a českej kráľovnej
(František Šmahel)  s. 522-526

KLIMEK Tomáš
Krajiny českého středověku
(Richard Změlík) s. 526-529

DAMASCHKE Marion - VOGLER Günter
Thomas Müntzer Bibliographie (1519-2012)
(= Bibliotheca bibliographica Aureliana CCXXXIII, Bibliotheca dissidentium XXVIII) (Eduard Maur) s. 529-531

SIXTOVÁ Olga (ed.)
Hebrejský knihtisk v Čechách a na Moravě
(Olga Fejtová) s. 531-535

Nuntiatur des Ciriaco Rocci, aussenordentliche Nuntiatur des Girolamo Grimaldi (1631-1633), bearbeitet von Rotraud Becker, Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland
(Tomáš Černušák) s. 535-537

Nové brazilské publikace o české reformaci a J. A. Komenském
(Jaroslav Pánek) s. 537-540

GRULICH Josef
Migrace městského a vesnického obyvatelstva (Farnost České Budějovice 1750-1824).
Monographia Historica, Editio Universitatis Bohemiae Meridionalis, Volumen 13
(Alice Velková) s. 540-542

BĚLINA Pavel – HLAVAČKA Milan – TINKOVÁ Daniela
Velké dějiny zemí Koruny české, svazek XI.a: 1792–1860
HLAVAČKA Milan – KAŠE Jiří – KUČERA Jan P. - TINKOVÁ Daniela
Velké dějiny zemí Koruny české, svazek XI.b: 1792–1860
(Miroslav Šedivý) s. 543-546
  
BÍLEK Karol
Archivář František Dvorský a Sobotka (Knihovnička Českého ráje – Sobotka, II. řada, sv. 4)
(Jaroslav Pánek) s. 546-548

FILIPOVÁ Lucie
Francouzi a Němci na cestě ke sblížení. Partnerství měst a obcí (1950-2000)
(Milena Lenderová) s. 548-549 

BÚTORA Martin – MESEŽNIKOV Grigorij – BÚTOROVÁ Zora – KOLLÁR Miroslav (eds.)
Odkiaľ a kam. Dvadsať rokov samostatnosti
(Martin Furmanik) s. 550-553


Zprávy o literatuře
s. 554-572


Z VĚDECKÉHO ŽIVOTA | CHRONICLE

Česko-německá komise historiků v letech 2012–2013
(Miloš Řezník)
s. 573

Knihy a časopisy došlé redakci
s. 577

Výtahy z českých časopisů a sborníků
s. 577