Historický ústav akademie věd České republiky, v. v. i.

ČESKÝ ČASOPIS HISTORICKÝ
THE CZECH HISTORICAL REVIEW
4/2008


OBSAH / CONTENTS



STUDIE A MATERIÁLY / STUDIES AND ARTICLES



BAR Přemysl
Vratislavský vévoda Jindřich IV. Probus a poslední Přemyslovci
(The Wroclaw Duke Henryk IV. Probus and the Last Przemyslids)
s. 753-787

Despite the fact that the fortunes of the Wroclaw Duke Henryk IV. Probus (1258-1290) coincided several times with the fate of the Przemyslid Dynasty, to whom this member of the Piast Dynasty was related, Czech historiography has merely showed a marginal interest in this personality compared to Polish and German historiographies. The author of this study analyses historical sources to document the progress of the Wroclav Duke’s relations with the Przemyslids. At the same time he strives to demonstrate the impact of family relationships, dynastic and political links upon the formation of power politics in Central Europe. Much attention is devoted to collections of papers and forms, though still a much discussed and disputed type of historical resource, since what they show, once critically assessed, in this case fits logically into an entire historical context.
Henryk IV. Probus had probably stayed for a short time at the Prague Court before 1271, despite the fact that the evidence of written sources seems to be rather obscure on this point. On the other hand, thanks to diplomatic documents we do not have any doubt regarding Przemysl Ottokar II’s suport as he installed his vassal on the Wroclaw ducal throne. As long as the Bohemian King lived, the Duke of Wroclaw enjoyed his patronage, while being his loyal ally at the same time. The adolescent Duke became more involved in politics beyond the boundaries of Silesia proper only after the death of this Przemyslid in the Battle of Marchfeld (Morava Field) in 1278. His attempt to have the government of the Bohemian Kingdom and protectorate over the young Wenceslas, heir to the Bohemian throne, entrusted to him, failed, yet at that time Henryk IV Probus became friendly with the German King Rudolph I of Hapsburg. He also had warm relations with Duke Henry, the Margrave of Moravia, and Nicholas, the Duke of Opava (Troppau), so that a longer „pre-history“ of their friendship can be assumed.
After 1288 the activities of the Wroclaw Duke and the King of Bohemia, as well, were mainly motivated by their attempts to capture the principality of Krakow, which also led to heightened rivalry between these two rulers. Henryk IV. Probus was more successful during the first stage of their struggle, yet he did not enjoy the conquest of Krakow for long as he died suddenly on 23 June 1290. Though sources make it possible to speculate about the alleged participation of Wenceslaus II in the Duke’s demise, the more important fact seems to be that the King of Bohemia claimed, although only formally, the rights of succession after this now deceased Silesian Piast. The unique testimony to this fact are three privileges from Rudolph I. of Hapsburg from 1290, by which Wenceslaus II. was granted the Wroclaw principality and further unnamed territories, which Henryk IV. Probus had used to govern as an imperial fiefdom.

Abstrakt:

Studie obsahuje analýzu narativních a diplomatických pramenů, které vypovídají o proměnlivém vztahu vratislavského vévody Jindřicha IV. Proba k přemyslovské dynastii. Písemné prameny sice nedovolují vždy jednoznačnou interpretaci a mnoho otázek zůstává stále nejasných, přesto je možné na základě dosavadního výzkumu konstatovat, že vztah vévody k posledním Přemyslovcům osciloval mezi vazalstvím, spojenectvím a rivalitou. Důvodem této proměnlivosti byly jednak rozdílné osobnosti přemyslovské dynastie, které přišly do styku s vévodou tak i širší dějinný kontext, který znamenal v poslední třetině 13. století posílení habsburského vlivu na dění ve střední Evropě.

This study analyses narrative and diplomatic sources which provide an account of the changeable relationships of the Wroclaw Duke Henryk IV Probus towards the Przemyslid Dynasty. Written resources do not, however, always allow for an unambiguous interpretation and many questions still remain unanswered. Yet, based on research carried out thus far, it is possible to state that the Duke’s relationship towards the last Przemyslids oscillated between vassalage, alliance and rivalry. This changeability was the result, firstly, of the Duke coming into contact with different personalities of the Przemyslid Dynasty, and also followed from the wider historical context which in the final third of the 13th century was marked by a strengthening of the Hapsburgs’ influence upon events in Central Europe.

Key words: Silesia, Bohemia, Wroclaw, Poland, Henryk IV. Probus, last Przemyslids, Silesian Piasts, 13th century, vassal relationships


SUŠOVÁ Veronika
Politika jako oficiální znalost. Politická socializace v Předlitavsku a evropském Rusku v letech 1875-1917/1918 v komparativní perspektivě
(Politics as Official Knowledge. Political Socialisation in Cisleithania and European Russia in Comparative Perspective during the Years 1875-1917/1918)
s. 788-822

This study focuses upon an analysis of the official vision of politics, as presented in the textbooks for Cisleithanian and Russian primary and secondary schools. Its starting point is the utilisation of the concepts of political socialisation and political literacy in order to grasp historically the official perspectives of politics. During the 19th and 20th centuries, multinational states, such as Austria-Hungary and Russia attempted to construct a patriotic identity. They were relatively successful in using the educational process for the cultural reproduction and maintenance of the existing order. This study monitors, amongst others, the contradiction between the old vision of politics (as presented in the official curriculum, i.e. by the state) and the new vision of politics (as defined by national communities).
Using textual analysis of contemporary textbooks of history and geography, civics and readers published between 1875–1918, the author has focused upon the formation of a relationship with the political sphere as part of the cultural transfer of the official vision of politics. Namely, she analyses historical narration (seen as a tool for the legitimatisation of the Empire) and visions of the Empire in terms of the requirement for unity; political actors and finally citizenship understood normatively.
Both Empires adopted different strategies for the preservation of their respective existence using the process of political socialisation. The differences can be observed especially in the case of historical narration and the portrayal of the vision of the Empire as the political motherland. The Cisleithanian concept was based on the discourse of unity, which respected national differences and which partially integrated national histories within an all embracing history of the Empire. The Austro-Hungarian Empire was understood as the wider family for all the Emperor’s nations without any bias. On the other hand the Russian case was dominated by the discourse of conquest as the principal narration of Russian history, which dispersed histories of territories conquered or gained by Russia within the history of the construction of Russia as an Empire. Russia was then interpreted as an Empire with the dominant state nation, comprised of Russians, Ukrainians and White Russians (the latter two nations were not considered to be independent national communities but part of the Russian nation). The ethnic hierarchy in Russian textbooks of geography attempted to maintain this superioty of the Russians over the otherwise ethnically heterogeneous Russia.
The political-socialisation strategies of both states concurred in the area of the construction of policy movers. The Cisleithanian and Russian textbooks in general accentuated traditional political actors (rulers and military commanders from the ranks of the aristocracy) to the detriment of newer political actors (for example political parties and movements), who were overlooked in textbooks. Indeed, in the case of Cisleithania, the specific role was given to the Emperor and the King, in case of Russia it was the accentuation of autocracy. Citizenship itself was in the Cisleithanian case defined with an emphasis upon its passive content (payment of taxes, doing military service, obedience and a fulfilment of one’s obligations). In Russia, citizenship was a relatively novel concept, which only appeared after 1905 and continued to be mixed with the traditional view of politics and the dogma of autocracy.
Both Empires showed relatively great interest in the political-socialisation arena but they were unable to accommodate the contents of these strategies with modern times. Their attempts clashed with the political and social reality of national communities and their democratization potential. This study argues that this specific situation led to contradictory or dichotomic views on politics, which, in some cases, have remained part of the mental heritage of Central and Eastern Europe until present times.

Abstrakt:
Studie se věnuje otázkám politické socializace a obsahům politické gramotnosti v kontextu mnohonárodní říše na příkladu Předlitavska a evropského Ruska mezi lety 1875-1917/18. Vzdělávací proces je pojímán jako komunikační prostor pro přenos oficiálního vidění politiky, které je analyzováno na základě textové analýzy čítanek a učebnic dějepisu, zeměpisu, občanské nauky a vlastivědy. Autorka se zaměřila na několik okruhů výzkumu: na dějepisnou naraci, na obrazy říše s ohledem na požadavek jednoty, na politické aktéry a na konstruování občana a občanství. Pomocí jejich analýzy se studie snaží o pochopení oficiálních definic a vidění politické sféry a dotýká se otázek kulturního a mentálního dědictví „imperiální“ politické kultury ve střední a východní Evropě.

This study deals with the issues of political socialisation and the contents of political literacy within the framework of a multinational empire, using the examples of and European Russia during the period 1875-1917/18. The educational process is understood as communicative space for the transfer of the official vision of politics, which is analysed through textual analysis of reading books and the textbooks of history, geography, civics and homeland study and geography. The author has focused her attention upon several research areas: historical narration; visions of the Empire in terms of the requirement for unity; polical actors and the formation of citizen and citizenship concepts. Through their analysis she has attempted to gain an understanding of official definitions and visions of the political arena. She also touches upon the issues of cultural and mental heritage of the „imperial“ political culture in Central and Eastern Europe.

Key words: polities, political socialisation, political literacy, official knowledge, textbooks of history, modern politics, Austria, Cisleithania, Russia



KRAHULCOVÁ Zuzana
Integrace a působení vyhnanců v hesenské politice v padesátých letech
(The Integration and Impact of the Expellees in Hessen Politics in the 1950s)
s. 823-858

Although the state of Hesse was not one of the main target destinations for post-war expellees and refugees, their influx into this federal state was far from negligible: by 1949 this federal state had accepted more than 650 thousand expellees from the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, which proved a heavy drain on its economy and social structure. Similar to other federal German states, attempts to establish supra-partisan expellee associations and organizations along party-political lines, soon took place. They aimed to promote active participation in political life and political representation and the implementation of the specific interests of the expellees and refugees. However, the origins and development of expellee organisations in Hesse differed from other federal states in three important directions: namely, an atypically weak position of expatriate compatriot groups compared to expellee associations; the early establishment of a unified expellee organization in the form of the Union of Expelled Germans, and finally the unambiguous social direction of the Hessen Land organization of the Union of the Expelled and Disenfranchised, which resulted in long-term successful co-operation with the SPD.
Although the situation of the Hessen expellees resembled in many aspects the situation in neighbouring Bavaria, where the leading role among the emerging expellee organizations was undertaken by the Sudeten German Expatriate Association, the development differed in Hesse as the expellee associations became the dominant form of supra-partisan political representation of expellees there. In Hesse, the party-political organisation of the expellees had been significantly restricted by the ban on independent expellees organizations. Yet, hand in hand with the relaxation of conditions for the activities of political organisations for the expellees by the American occupying authorities, independent expellee organization, based on party lines, in the form of electoral associations of the expellees began to form in Hesse. Over a period of time, in Hesse, like in other federal Lands, the Bloc of Expellees and Deprived of Rights (Bund der Heimatvertriebenen und Entrechteten, BHE) has become the leading party-political organization of expellees.
While at the federal level Bloc of Expellees and Deprived of Rights gradually shifted to the right of the party spectrum, in the Hessen BHE during 1951 trends towards socially-oriented politics prevailed and the party gravitated towards the SPD. This rapprochement resulted in the long-term and successful co-operation of both parties at governmental level, lasting from 1954 until 1966. The main cause for the emergence of close links to Social Democratic Party can be found in the fact that the Hessen Bloc of Expellees and Deprived of Rights realized that the implementation of its own political aims and the fulfilment of its voters’ aspirations could not be achieved without the consent of the ruling SPD. This shift towards a socially-oriented policy and rapprochement with the Social Democratic Party were not, however, unanimously embraced by the party. They led to internal disputes not merely within the Hessen party organization as such, but also in relation to the federal leadership of the party.
Yet, despite an effort to incorporate the standing up for the specific interests of the expellees within a wider context of social and economic policy, the Hessen BHE primarily remained the party of the expellees and failed to address its „local“ population. As the integration of the expellees into Hessen society has increased, the arena in which the BHE could address the expellees as their target group of voters has diminished since the second half of the 1950s. Nevertheless, the evident social policy of the Hessen Bloc of Expellees and Deprived of Rights and their successful ruling coalition with the SPD can be seen as one of the main reasons for the fact that in West Germany the BHE preserved its position and political existence in the Hessen Land Parliament for longer than anywhere else.

Abstrakt:
Studie „Integrace a působení vyhnanců v hesenské politice v padesátých letech“ se zabývá průběhem integrace vyhnanců v politické oblasti a jejich působením v hesenském politickém životě v padesátých letech. Úvodní část studie pojednává postavení vyhnanců po jejich příchodu do Hesenska a počátky jejich politické integrace v podobě vyhnaneckých svazů, krajanských sdružení a prvních stranickopolitických vyhnaneckých organizací. Hlavní pozornost je pak věnována roli a působení vyhnanců v hesenské politice v padesátých letech se zřetelem na hesenský Svaz vyhnaných a zneprávněných (Bund der Heimatvertriebenen und Entrechteten, BHE), politickou reprezentaci vyhnanců v hesenském zemském sněmu a úspěšné uplatňování jejich koaličního potenciálu v podobě dlouholeté vládní spolupráce s hesenskou SPD.

This study deals with the process of integration post war expellees in politics and with their involvement in Hessen political life in the 1950s. The introduction is devoted to the status of the expellees after their arrival in Hesse and with the origins of their political integration in the form of expellee associations, compatriot groups and the first party-political exile organizations. Attention is then focused upon the role and involvement of the expellees in Hessen politics in the 1950s with regard to the Bloc of Expellees and Deprived of Rights (Bund der Heimatvertriebenen und Entrechteten, BHE), to the political representation of the expellees in the Hessen Land Parliament and the successful implementation of their coalition potential in the form of a long-term ruling co-operation with the Hessen SPD.

Key words: expellees, Hesse, post-war Germany, political parties, expellee organizations, integration


DISKUSE / DISCUSSION


NEŠPOR Zdeněk R.
Katolická církev v Československu 1945-1989 .
(The Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia 1945-1989)
s. 859-868

Abstrakt:

Ani bezmála dvě desetiletí po pádu komunistického režimu nejsou náboženské a církevní dějiny českých zemí ve druhé polovině 20. století dostatečně zpracovány, proto je velice významným počinem vydání Balíkovy a Hanušovy syntézy Katolická církev v Československu 1945–1989, nad níž se autor zamýšlí. Při hodnocení této knihy zdůrazňuje prolínání historické a sociologické („mentalistické“) perspektivy, stejně jako její přínos pro formování katolické identity ve svobodné společnosti, upozorňuje však i na nedostatky zvoleného přístupu a na skutečnost, že rozhodně nemusí být všeobecně přijat.

Almost two decades have passed since the fall of the Communist regime and the religious and ecclesiastical history of the Czech Lands in the second half of the 20th century have not yet been adequately documented. Thus, the author reviewing Balík and Hanuš’s synthesis Katolická církev v Československu 1945–1989 (The Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia 1945-1989) considers its publication to represent an important milestone. When assessing this volume he emphasizes the juxtaposition of the historical and sociological („mentalist“) perspectives, as well as its contribution towards the formation of a Catholic identity in a free society, yet the shortcomings of the chosen approach and the fact that this might not be generally accepted are also acknowledged and outlined.

Key words: Czechoslovakia, 1945-1989; Church; Catholicism; religion and state; ecclesiastical history; sociology of religion


OBZORY LITERATURY / REVIEWS



Přehledy bádání a historiografických studií

TOMEŠ Josef
Biografický slovník českých zemí. Tradice a výhledy české biografické encyklopedistiky (The Biographical Dictionary of the Czech Lands. Traditions and Perspectives of Czech Biographical Research)
s. 869-882

Abstrakt:

Článek přehledně shrnuje historii české biografické lexikografie, zaměřené na národní dějiny, od druhé poloviny 19. století po naši přítomnost. Blíže se zastavuje u mezery, kterou v české biografické encyklopedistice způsobilo téměř půlstoletí totalitních režimů v letech 1939–1945 a 1948–1989, a u snah o její překonání na přelomu 20. a 21. století, završených postupnou realizací Biografického slovníku českých zemí.

This article provides a lucid summary of the history of Czech biographical lexicography, focused primarily upon the national history, from the second half of the 19th century until the present time. It pays a close attention to the gap caused in Czech biographical encyclopaedic research by nearly a half-a-century of totalitarian regimes throughout 1939-1945 and 1948-1989. It also recognizes attempts to overcome this hiatus at the turn of the 20th century, which have culminated in the gradual compilation of this Biographical Dictionary of the Czech Lands.

Key words: Czech Lands, Czech Biographical Research, Biographical Dictionary, Encyclopedias


Recenze

BERÁNEK Karel – BERÁNKOVÁ Věra (edd.), Regesta Bohemiae et Moraviae aetatis Venceslai IV. (1378 dec.–1419 aug. 16.), Tomus V. Fontes Archivi nationalis, pars I, Litterae monasteriorum, Fasc. 1 (1378-1397); Fasc. 2 (1398-1419), (Zdeňka Hledíková) s. 883 - MUCHEMBLED Robert, Dějiny ďábla (Kateřina Pražáková) s. 888 - ZONTA Claudia A., Schlesische Studenten an italienischen Universitäten. Eine prosopographische Studie zur frühneuzeitlichen Bildungsgeschichte (Martin Holý) s. 891 - EBELOVÁ Ivana – ŘEZNÍČEK Michal – WOITSCHOVÁ Klára – WOITSCH Jiří, Etnografický atlas Čech, Moravy a Slezska, V. Židovské obyvatelstvo v Čechách v letech 1792–1794, eds. WOITSCH Jiří – BAHENSKÝ František (Iveta Cermanová – Alexandr Putík) s. 894 - FRANKL Michal, „Emancipace od židů“. Český antisemitismus na konci 19. století (Ines Koeltzsch) s. 900 - KOLB Eberhard, Der Frieden von Versailles (Jiří Pešek) s. 902 - ALBRECHT Stefan – MALÍŘ Jiří – MELVILLE Ralph (edd.), Die „sudetendeutsche Geschichtsschreibung“ 1918-1960. Zur Vorgeschichte und Gründung der Historischen Kommission der Sudetenländer (Jiří Pešek) s. 907 - CORNELIßEN Christoph – HOLEC Roman – PEŠEK Jiří, Diktatura – válka – vyhnání. Kultury vzpomínání v českém, slovenském a německém prostředí od roku 1945 (Doubravka Olšáková) s. 914


Zprávy
s. 918

Výběr ČČH
Ze zahraničních časopisů

s. 959


Z VĚDECKÉHO ŽIVOTA / CHRONICLE


Konference a výstavy

Mezinárodní medievistický kongres 2008
(Markéta Marková)
s. 964

Spojení na dlouhé vzdálenosti mezi městy od středověku do 20. století
(Josef Žemlička)
s. 965

5. Mezinárodní kongres námořních dějin IMEHA 2008 - poprvé s českou účastí
(Michal Wanner)
s. 966

Šlechta v proměnách (16.-20. století)
(Ivo Cerman)
s. 970

Kolektivní a individuální mecenášství a kultura veřejného daru v občanské společnosti
(Pavel Cibulka)
s. 971

Konference o politické kriminalitě a justici
(Petr Kreuz)
s. 974

Na cestě k první světové válce
(Pavel Szobi)
s. 977

Od početí ke školní brašně
(Jana Machačová)
s. 978


Knihy došlé redakci
s. 981

Výtahy z českých časopisů a sborníků
s. 981