Historický ústav akademie věd České republiky, v. v. i.

číslo 4

Český časopis historický
THE CZECH HISTORICAL REVIEW
4/2006

OBSAH / CONTENTS


STUDIE A MATERIÁLY / STUDIES AND ARTICLES

ŽEMLIČKA Josef
Mocran et Mocran. Třetí basilejská listina Fridricha II. v kontextu Zlaté buly sicilské
(Mocran et Mocran. The Third Basle Charter of Frederick II. within the Context of the Golden Bull of Sicily)
s. 733-782

HÁJEK Jan - KUBŮ Eduard
Ekonomický nacionalismus českých zemí sklonku 19. a první poloviny 20. století jako středoevropský "model". Pokus o vymezení specifického typu
(The Economic Nationalism of the Bohemian Lands at the End of the 19th Century and the First Half of the 20th Century as a Central European "Model". An Attempt to define this Specific Type)
s. 783-820

PENCÁK Marcel
Cesta k uzákonění zemského zřízení v roce 1927
(A Path towards the Enactment of the Land-Based System of 1927)
s. 821-870


MATERIÁLY / ARTICLES

HOFFMANNOVÁ Jaroslava
Joseph Alois Schumpeter a Jaroslav Goll o rakouské monarchii 1917
(Joseph Alois Schumpeter and Jaroslav Goll on the Austrian Monarchy 1917)
s. 871-883


DISKUSE / DISCUSSION

JIROUŠEK Bohumil
Česká marxistická a marxisticko-leninská historiografie - možnosti a meze studia
s. 884-905

RYCHLÍK Jan
Nad knihou Jána Mlynárika o dějinách Židů na Slovensku
s. 906-909

RYANTOVÁ Marie
Nad knihou Jaroslava Čechury a Jany Čechurové o Pekařově Příběhu Knihy o Kosti
s. 910-914


OBZORY LITERATURY / REVIEWS

Recenze

ŠMAHEL František, Cesta Karla IV. do Francie. 1377-1378 (Václav Bůžek) s. 915 - JAN Libor, Václav II. a struktury panovnické moci (Kateřina Čadková) s. 918 - ŠIMŮNEK Robert, Správní systém šlechtického dominia v pozdně středověkých Čechách. Rožmberská doména 1418-1472 (Václav Ledvinka) s. 921 - KARDAS Alina, Elity władzy w Toruniu w XVII wieku. Mechanizmy kształtowania się i wymiany grup rządzących (Olga Fejtová) s. 926 - WEBER Klaus, Deutsche Kaufleute im Atlantikhandel 1680-1830, Unternehmen und Familien in Hamburg, Cádiz und Bordeaux (Michal Wanner) s. 930 - JABLONICKÝ Josef, Samizdat o odboji, II. Štúdie a články (Jan Rychlík) s. 934 - BARTUSEVIČIUS Vincas - TAUBER Joachim - WETTE Wolfram (ed.), předmluva GIORDANO Ralph, Holocaust in Litauen. Krieg, Judenmorde und Kollaboration im Jahre 1941 (Daniel Putík) s. 937 - MUELLER Wolfgang - SUPPAN Arnold - NAIMARK Norman M. - BORDJUGOV Gennadij (Hg.), Sowjetische Politik in Österreich 1945-1955. Dokumente aus russischen Archiven (Dagmar Černá) s. 940

Zprávy
s. 945

Výběr ČČH
Ze zahraničních časopisů
s. 972


Z VĚDECKÉHO ŽIVOTA / CHRONICLE

HLEDÍKOVÁ Zdenka
Zpráva o činnosti Českého historického ústavu v Římě v letech 2004-2005
s. 977

Nekrology

Barbara Krzemieńska (18. 2. 1930-5. 1. 2006)
(Josef Žemlička)
s. 980

Pavel Hradečný (30. 10. 1938-17. 6. 2006)
(Jindřich Dejmek)
s. 984


Konference a výstavy

Výroční zasedání výkonného výboru ISECS/SIEDS
(Milena Lenderová)
s. 988

Helsinský kongres hospodářských dějin aneb Kam kráčí hospodářské dějiny?
(Milan Hlavačka - Jiří Woitsch)
s. 989

Česká a československá účast na mezinárodních kongresech historických věd
(Jiří Dvořák)
s. 994

Paměť v myšlení šlechty na prahu novověku
(Jaroslav Dibelka - Jan Šimánek)
s. 995

Dějiny ženy aneb Evropská žena od středověku do 20. století v zajetí historiografie
(Alice Velková)
s. 996

Konference středoevropských právních historiků
(René Petráš)
s. 997

Církev v přemyslovské a piastovské monarchii
(Aleš Pořízka)
s. 997

Erbové listiny
(Jiří Brňovják - Zbyněk Žouželka)
s. 998

Nekatolíci v českých zemích v 18. století
(Josef Hrdlička - Pavel Holub)
s. 1000

Cesty k národnímu obrození: běloruský a český model
(Karel Ulik)
s. 1001


Knihy došlé redakci
s. 1003

Výtahy z českých časopisů a sborníků
s. 1003


RESUMÉ A ABSTRAKTY



JOSEF ŽEMLIČKA:Mocran et Mocran. The Third Basle Charter of Frederick II. within the Context of the Golden Bull of Sicily
This study revisits a collection of Charters which were issued in Basle on 26 September 1212 by Frederick II, the King of Sicily and from 1212 also Holy Roman Emperor from the Stauff Family(1211-1250). Two of them were issued for the Bohemian King Przemysl Ottakar I., and the third for his brother Vladislav Henry, Margrave of Moravia. In the first one, known as the Golden Bull of Sicily, Frederick confirmed the bestowal of the Bohemian hereditary royal title; in the second he gifted selected estates beyond the Bohemian borders to Przemysl. The third Charter, in which Vladislav received a Mocran Mocran from the hands of Frederick, has provoked discussions. Historians differ in their views. Some of them attempt to search for a local name in this unusual form; others envisage a clerical error, when the obscure phrase Mocran et Mocran appeared instead of the intended "Margravate of Moravia or "Moravia and Moravia" (Moravia et Moravia). Based both on a comparative analysis of Sicilian chancery tradition and other indications, the author states that it is necessary to interpret a Mocran et Mocran as a piece of land held in feu, which was part of the Imperial estates. This study simultaneously deals with the position of Moravia within the structure of the Bohemian state.

Key words: Bohemia, Czech state, Frederick II, King of Bohemia, Moravia, Mocran et Mocran, Pairis, Parisium, Premysl Otokar I, Sicily, Vladislav Henry

* * *

JAN HÁJEK - EDUARD KUBŮ
The Economic Nationalism of the Bohemian Lands at the End of the 19th Century and the First Half of the 20th Century as a Central European "Model". An Attempt to define this Specific Type
Economic nationalism in nationally homogeneous states (Germany, France) supported local economies in their competition with external rivals (the mainstay being the state itself). In the multinational environment of Central and East Central Europe a nationally defined competitive struggle often occurred within a single state economy. For this reason, the authors of this study define it as "internal" economic nationalism", which itself plays the decisive role in the political and economic development of smaller nations (national groups) in this region. This study formulates several propositions, primarily inspired by the historical development of the Bohemian Lands, yet presumes that they are generally valid elsewhere.
The authors primarily assume that it is not feasible to automatically put an equals sign between the above mentioned "economic nationalism" and all the manifestations of nationalism in the economy. They further discuss its role in integration processes. They state that economic nationalism fulfils unequivocally the integration function from the standpoint of an individual nation, yet from the economic standpoint it is a disintegration element. Under the conditions of the Hapsburg Monarchy they differentiate several types of economic nationalism: 1. autonomous (functioning within the Monarchy - for example the Czechs, Slovenes, Croats and in part the Germans within the Bohemian Lands); 2. cross-border (heading beyond the Monarchy, searching for allies abroad - the Italians, Romanians, some Germans from regions bordering the Bohemian Lands). The authors also outline a sort of dividing line between the economic nationalism and economic emancipation of each respective nation. Whereas economic emancipation can be seen as a positive phenomenon, in principle, often as being another stage in the process of national emancipation in general (following the linguistic and political periods), a concrete economic nationalism may represent a partial instrument of this economic emancipation. Yet, it can also have other unconnected, entirely pragmatic aims (often constrained locally or to merely one industry).
The authors brand the economic nationalism of Czechs, the aim of which was to catch up with the more industrially advanced Germans, as aggressive, the primary one. On the other hand they consider similar attitudes by Germans in the Bohemian Lands to be of a defensive nature (their objective being the defence of "traditional" German positions in the economy) and thus they brand their economic nationalism as secondary.
Other propositions relate to the situation after 1918. The "internal" economic nationalism of Czechs found support in the administration of the new state and can be thus branded as "bureaucratic". However, its importance gradually diminished and the focus shifted towards "external" economic nationalism, in fact economic "etatism". Under it the economic interests of both Czechs and Germans gradually merged. In the less developed regions of the state the original statewide "internal" economic nationalism was modified into an economic "regionalism", which suddenly - yet rather paradoxically - acquired a "supranational" character also on this level.
Further, changes and the misuse of economic nationalism for the aims of the Sudeten Germans' irredentism and its forms during the Nazi occupation of the Bohemian Lands are outlined.
The authors also formulate several general preconditions for the birth and existence of economic nationalism. They are (starting with the most general): a) the arrival at a certain degree of social economic development in the given society (generally, advanced industrialisation); b) the existence of a "subject" of economic nationalism; c) heightened nationalistic tensions within the given society; d) the culmination of economic pressures (not merely negative ones - for example a crisis of the economy or some industries, but also positive - some historically exceptional events); d) the existence of an executive propaganda apparatus for the spreading of the ideas of economic nationalism.
In conclusion the authors also briefly compare developments in some smaller nations in Central and East Central Europe, for which the economic and political development by Czechs were an example to follow in more than one aspect. They assume that the wider validity of the propositions formulated in this article will have to be confirmed by further research within the framework of respective national historiographies.

Translated by Alena Linhartová


JAN HÁJEK - EDUARD KUBŮ: The Economic Nationalism of the Bohemian Lands at the End of the 19th Century and the First Half of the 20th Century as a Central European "Model". An Attempt to define this Specific Type
This study is based on an analysis of historical development in the Bohemian Lands. It formulates a number of propositions about the form and nature of what is known as "internal" economic nationalism. It researches for example its relationship to the general manifestations of nationalism; it differentiates between its aggressive (primary) and defensive (secondary) forms. Attention is also paid to its changes after 1918 (its new "bureaucratic" form, transformation into economic "etatism" or a modification to economic "regionalism") and further changes during the expansion of Nazi Germany. The authors assume that the propositions submitted by them will have a wider, or at least Central European validity.

Key words: economic nationalism, the Bohemian Lands, the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, specific features


* * *

MARCEL PENCÁK 
A Path towards the Enactment of the Land-Based System of 1927
This study represents an excursion to 1926-1927 when the political events in Czechoslovakia led to a reform of its internal administration. It attempts to focus on the fact, until now often overlooked, that this administrative reform introducing a Land-based system throughout the entire territory of the state, was directly linked to Hlinka's Slovak People's Party negotiations on joining the Švehla Government of a civic parties coalition, or what was known as the Seigneurial Coalition. The question of an administrative reform was not, however, merely one of a number of consequences of the appearance of this Coalition but it represented the means by which its formation culminated. The author does not aim to analyze in greater detail the Land organization of state administration from the standpoints of its legal nature and the construction of the administrative system. He does, however, observe how the Governmental agreement with the People's Party affected the reform's final form; what the consequent legislative process of the enactment of a new administrative system looked like; and what impact it had, not merely on the political front. Acts apparently reforming political administration in the Czechoslovak Republic on the basis of a Land system were not too a high price for the Government Coalition to pay in order to bring to heel a noisy Nationalist Party which had become the strongest political party in Slovakia in the parliamentary elections of 1925. At that time the vote for the until then ruling Socialist parties collapsed throughout the Republic. Despite the resurrection of the current coalition after the elections, developments inevitably headed towards the formation of a right-wing ruling majority, with German parties also participating, namely the Agrarians and Christian Socialists. Following a short interlude with the non-elected civil government of Jan Černý, a government of civic parties was formed in October 1926. For the time being Hlinka's Slovak People's Party was not represented within it, since for an extended period following the elections they were laying down excessive pre-conditions in respect of their entry to the Government, which were to ensure the Party's decisive ruling status in Slovakia. During countless discussions with Antonín Švehla, the Slovak People's Party gradually concentrated upon gaining a government department with full responsibility for the administration of Slovakia. Despite its title, this institution had not had any important powers since its inception shortly after the foundation of the Republic, yet acquiring this portfolio was a matter of prestige for members of the Slovak People's Party. Švehla, however, did not give his blessing to this plan. Karel Kramář, chairman of the National Democrats, then entered the arena and he discovered a new basis for negotiations with the Slovak Nationalists in a proposal for a land-based administrative reform. It consisted of the abolition of a partially introduced župa (regional) system and its replacement by four Lands - Bohemia, Moravia-Silesia, Slovakia and Ruthenia. This draft reform, which was also embraced by Švehla's Government, did not envisage any real political autonomy for the Lands. It merely afforded them the so-called administrative autonomy. Within the administrative system, the Lands, similar to župas, remained near-fully answerable to the central Prague authorities. However, the definition of a unified Slovak territorial entity and the post of Slovak Land President finally brought the Slovak Nationalists, under the leadership of the pragmatic Jozef Tiso, into the Civic Coalition Government in January 1927.
The draft Land Reform, which was based on the original concept of the Župa Act in its fundamental outlines and preserved its centralizing nature, was subject to sharp criticism by the opposition. It was primarily attacked by Czechoslovak Socialist parties headed by the Social Democrat Ivan Dérer, the Communists and German Nationalists. The opposition found it hard to accept especially the attachement of Silesia to Moravia; yet another postponement with regard to the autonomy of Ruthenia; and a regulation which authorised the Government to appoint one third of the members of the Land representations. However, the ruling majority intransigently enforced the reform, which primarily embodied the results of political bargaining, instead of being a conceptual resolution of the unification of the state administration, at all its forums. Neither the leaders of the opposition, nor experts in the field of administrative law were invited to join the discussion. Yet, it simultaneously took a while before the very coalition parties themselves came to terms with the reform. It took nearly six months before the Reform was passed by the Parliament in July 1927 due to constant objections by the Slovak People's Party, as well as the Slovak Agrarians' complaints, since they had built strong positions in the župas, alongside those of German Activist parties, which had now lost two župas with a German majority and had to, like the Slovak People's Party, put to one side their autonomist aspirations.

Translated by Alena Linhartová


MARCEL PENCÁK: A Path towards the Enactment of the Land-Based System of 1927
The results of the parliamentary elections in 1925 made it possible for a coalition of civic parties under the leadership of Antonín Švehla to be formed in the subsequent period. For the first time, German Activist Parties joined the Government and in the end the nationalist Hlinka Slovak People's Party joined, also. The agreement with the HSPP was drafted by Karel Kramář on the basis of a new arrangement of state administration which in Czechoslovakia abolished the župa system, not yet fully embedded, and introduced a model of four Lands - Bohemia, Moravia-Silesia, Slovakia and Ruthenia. Despite the HSPP's autonomist demands, the reform did not represent a shift from the centralist principles of the Župa Act; it did not afford any major competences to the new administrative entities from the standpoint of self-administration.

Key words: Seigneurial Coalition Government, a Land reform of state administration, Hlinka's Slovak People's Party, Karel Kramář

* * *

Jaroslav Goll (1846-1929), the outstanding Professor of General History and the 1907/1908 Rector of the Czech Charles-Ferdinand University in Prague, fondly remembered by many of his students, the long-standing editor of the Czech Historical Bulletin, was a member of the Upper Chamber of the Reich Council in Vienna from 1909 onwards. During World War I he continued to favour the preservation of the Austrian Monarchy, yet he envisaged reform of constitutional affairs. In connection with his political activities related to the fiftieth anniversary of the dualist Austro-Hungarian constitutional settlement of 1867, which shifted the constitutional basis of the Monarchy to the detriment of Cisleithania, he analysed the Hungarian Act and the Act for Cisleithania (including the Bohemian Lands).
In 1917 he published a study, both in Czech and German, entitled "Parity" on this subject, sending the latter version to Joseph Alois Schumpeter (1883-1950), thenm current Professor of Political Economy at the University of Graz. Schumpeter sent him a personal letter from Janské Lázně thanking him for having gained so much from it. He submitted his analysis of Austrian constitutional affairs together with his proposals for pressing political steps. He had hoped that there would an opportunity for discussions. This letter dated 2nd September 1917 with an addendum has not been available to researchers. The enclosed text was probably an unpublished Fourth Memorandum, prepared for the benefit of the Emperor Charles.
The events, however, unfolded differently from how J. A. Schumpeter or J. Goll might have wished. Goll never reconciled himself to the collapse of the Monarchy and the foundation of the Czechoslovak Republic, and all that he faced were the final ten bleak years of his life. Schumpeter remained politically and professionally very active. Following his work at several European universities and in Japan, he combined the very fruitful years from 1932 until his death with Harward University in America. Schumpeter's thinking and work principally influenced further understanding of the correlation between the economy, politics and society in the 20th century.

Translated by Alena Linhartová

Joseph Alois Schumpeter and Jaroslav Goll. On the Austrian Monarchy 1917


JAROSLAVA HOFFMANNOVÁ

JOSEF ŽEMLIČKA
Mocran et Mocran
The Third Basle Charter of Frederick II. within the Context of the Golden Bull of Sicily
On 26th September 1212 Frederick II from the Stauff Family (1211-1250), the King of Sicily and from that year also Holy Roman Emperor, issued for his allies three Charters, authenticated by the King of Sicily's golden seals. The first one, known as the Golden Bull of Sicily, confirmed the bestowal of the Bohemian hereditary royal title upon Przemysl Ottakar I. alongside other additional titles; in the second Frederick gifted him selected estates beyond the Bohemian borders. However, the third Charter issued for Vladislav Henry, the Margrave of Moravia and also the King Przemysl's brother, has become a true enigma for generations of historians. The young Frederick granted Vladislav a Mocran et Mocran with no service attached to it to the royal court. Whereas some historians see in it a gift of land, which R. Koss (1927) also attempted to confine to a particular area (Möckern near Magdeburg), others interpret it as a spelling or copying error. According to B. Bretholz (1901) a Mocran et Mocran is a clerical corruption of the correct term "the Margravate of Moravia" (marchionatum Moravie). Nowadays Martin Wihoda seems to go even beyond that in his attempt to interpret this obscure phrase as "Moravia and Moravia" (Moraviam et Moraviam). According to Wihoda's interpretation Vladislav utilised the complex political situation in 1211 to strengthen his own power. He merged his own "margravate" part of Moravia with the other half of the country, until then in the possession of Przemysl, which was confirmed in September 1212 by King Frederick. Wihoda refers to the form of government by the two brothers from December 1197 as a "diarchy". The concept of a clerical error will then justify speculations about the convoluted route of a "Czech draft" to Rome and from there back to Basle across the Alps, where the three Charters were written up by the otherwise unknown scribe Henricus de Parisius. With reference to the fact that Frederick was not accompanied on his journey from Italy to Germany by his Italian scribes, Wihoda connects the scribe Henry with the Pairis Monastery in Alsace.
This study deals critically with the above-mentioned conclusions and presents yet another solution. It primarily corroborates that from the very beginning there could not have existed the diarchical form of government in the Bohemian regnum, as claimed by M Wihoda. The Prince and, from 1198, King Przemysl Ottakar I. (1192-1193, 1197-1230) continuously maintained a supreme control over the entire territory of Bohemia and Moravia. A comparative analysis of Sicilian chancery tradition clearly shows that it is necessary to interpret a Mocran et Mocran as a fief, a piece of land held in feu, in return for service to the royal court. In no case did it refer to the Moravian Land, otherwise the head of the Empire would have had to raise feudal claims to it, had a Mocran et Mocran been linked to Moravia. All three Basle Charters simultaneously show conspicuous external features connecting them with Sicilian chancery tradition, at the same time, there are strong indications that the scribe Henricus de Parisius himself came from Sicily or Southern Italy.
When interpreting these issues, the incomparable position of Moravia in the structure of the Bohemian Przemyslid state, and indeed unique within the European context, could not be put to one side. Despite its division into parts, administered by the minor branches of the House of Premyslid until the turn of the 12th and 13th century, it remained one country, one Moravia, in which a Margrave, who took over the rule after the Moravian Przemyslids died out, continued to be subject to the supreme authority of the Bohemian King.

Translated by Alena Linhartová